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Friday, March 9, 2018

First Military Female Test Pilot serving in the RCAF

Maj. Catherine Blais, the first and, so far the only, military female test pilot to serve in the Canadian Armed Forces. She has been quietly working away at 4 Wing Cold Lake at the military’s Aerospace Engineering Test Establishment, not wanting to toot her own horn.
Maj. Catherine Blais, the first and, so far the only, military female test pilot to serve in the RCAF. She is working away at 4 Wing Cold Lake at the military’s Aerospace Engineering Test Establishment (AETE). In this photo, she is seen beside the AETE's CT-114 Tutor. 
By: Marie-Michèle Siu
Special to the Cold Lake Sun

With yesterday being International Women's Day, the Aerospace Engineering Test Establishment in Cold Lake is proudly highlighting Maj. Catherine Blais, the first, and so far the only, military female test pilot in the Canadian Armed Forces.

Over the past 50 years, more than a hundred pilots have been carefully hand-picked to work at AETE.

As a very versatile pilot, Blais has flown over 2,700 hours on 30 different military and civilians aircraft, both airplanes and helicopters, including the Tutor, which is the same jet the Snowbirds fly and that AETE uses for training; the Harvard, a turboprop plane, which is one of the first planes all Canadian Air Force pilots fly when they are sent to Moose Jaw for flight training; as well as the Griffon helicopter and the Cormorant helicopter, just to name a few.

“My favorite aircraft is the Blackhawk (helicopter) because it’s an icon of military aviation,” said Blais, who flew the aircraft when training at the United States Naval Test Pilot School in Patuxent River, Maryland.

Before joining the military, Blais graduated from l’École Polytechnique de Montréal with a master’s degree in aerospace engineering in 2002.

The following year, Blais enrolled in the Air Force because, not only did it offer multiple opportunities to fly, but because she wanted to satisfy her sense of adventure.

She also wanted to use her engineering education in a non-traditional way and “couldn’t bear to sit behind a desk for the rest of my life,” she said.

After her initial flight training, Blais became a flight instructor to newer military pilot hopefuls in Moose Jaw. Later, she was posted to Valcartier, Que. to fly at the tactical helicopter squadron there.

In 2010, she deployed to Afghanistan for nine months where she flew helicopter support for the army. While there, she also worked in the Tactical Operation Centre, overseeing and planning daily operations.

Following her deployment, she was selected to be a test pilot after an intense selection process that involved advance math tests and coming to Cold Lake to prove she could learn very quickly how to fly unfamiliar aircraft that she had never flown before, which basically meant reading the instruction manuals for each plane or helicopter and hopping in with an instructor, who would ensure she stayed safe in the unknown aircraft.

Blais said being selected as a test pilot and being sent to Pax River, Maryland—which is an hour outside of Washington D.C., along the scenic Chesapeake Bay, to go to test pilot school —was the highlight of her career.

After graduating test pilot school, she returned to Cold Lake in 2013 to join AETE

Her typical day as a flight test pilot consists of flying for half a day (if the weather cooperates), and then working on supporting other projects, such as test planning, reporting, participating in review boards and attending engineering meetings with other Department of National Defence technical and operational agencies.

When working to deadline on a specific test project, she can have some very long days, doing as many as three flight tests a day, writing her reports at the end of that day, and planning the next day’s objectives.

Despite the long days, Blais finds the work rewarding.

Over the past four years, she has been involved in a multitude of diverse projects, like doing a Cormorant’s engine vibration survey, testing a Chinook helicopter’s simulator acceptance. She has done g-suit testing, and worked on Griffon Maritime Helicopter Precision Approach System developmental testing. She also earned CH-146 Griffon Required Navigation Performance Area Navigation certification.

Although, the test pilots are predominately, male, Blais says selection of test pilots is based on proficiency.

“ If you have the background, the experience and are competent, then there is no reason why you should not be accepted and excel in this field,” said Blais, as advice to young women interested in a similar career.

Don Martin: Waving the White Flag on Canada as a Middle Military Power

By: Don Martin, CTVNews, Host of PowerPlay 

The most uplifting takeaway from my 2007 Afghanistan embedding with the troops was hearing how our soldiers had never been prouder to serve than being in combat against the tyranny of the Taliban.

But a decade later, that pride has gone along with the fall in our status as a middle military power.

We continue to negotiate to buy hand-me-down jets from the Aussies. Combat ship building languishes on the drawing boards as the price tag soars. And with new supply ships delayed by at least four years, the substitute vessel can’t actually venture into dangerous environments where the navy usually goes.
Image result for Prime Minister Justin Trudeau reviews an honour guard at the International Peacekeeping and Security Centre in Yavoriv, Ukraine Tuesday July 12, 2016.
Prime Minister Justin Trudeau reviews an honour guard at the International Peacekeeping and Security Centre in Yavoriv, Ukraine Tuesday July 12, 2016. (Adrian Wyld/The Canadian Press)
Sure there is a small training mission in Ukraine and a mid-sized Latvia deployment to deter Russian aggression.

And let’s not forget the mostly idle Operation Impact, a $370-million exercise monitoring Iraq for signs of ISIS life with zero actual impact on protecting the region.

But the final insult to Canada’s military status downgrade was a small CBC story this week.

Military documents revealed the defence minister couldn’t bring himself to send a tiny group of soldiers for UN peacekeeping duty in Colombia.

Consider the context of this unfathomable display of military risk avoidance.

Colombia is a country where two civil-warring factions have disarmed and declared a peaceful end to a 50-year conflict. That means it’s the peacekeeping equivalent of monitoring a Grade four class in the playground during recess.

Yet inexplicably Canada dithered, pondering the potential danger of the mission until the spots were filled by other countries which didn’t consider the world’s safest peacekeeping assignment too risky to join.

This has got to leave Canada’s war-hardened Chief of Defence Staff avoiding eye contact in the mirror.

Jonathan Vance didn’t sign up to watch countries like Jordan, Denmark, Holland and even Rwanda deliver peacekeeping in extremely dangerous Mali while Canada goes AWOL in offering to monitor the coffee grow in Colombia.

Two years after Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan began scouring the world for places to help, we still have 600 troops waiting for a reason to deploy.

Our 50,000-plus combat-ready troops, trapped on base by the government’s pacifist preference to avoid a world filled with conflict, must be mortified that all missions are seemingly impossible.

By refusing to accept even the softest assignment for blue helmet peacekeeping, the Canadian government has waved the white flag as a middle military power.

That’s the Last Word.

Thursday, March 8, 2018

DND Needs $54M in Additional Funds to Evaluate CSC Fleet Proposals

By: David Pugliese, The National Post

The Department of National Defence needs an extra $54 million just so it can examine the bids from companies hoping to build it a new fleet of warships — an indication of the growing expense of a program that has more than tripled in cost over the years.

HMCS Ottawa, one of the Royal Canadian Navy's Halifax-class frigates that will be replaced by the eventual arrival of the Canadian Surfance Combatant Fleet. Roslan Rahman/AFP/Getty Images
The funds are not earmarked for anything to do with the actual construction of the ships, but instead to fund DND’s evaluation of the the bids this year — and they would be in addition to the $39 million the department has already received to review the bids, according to defence sources.

The cost of the new Canadian Surface Combatants, which will replace the existing Halifax-class frigates, has steadily been climbing. The 15 ships were originally estimated to cost $15 billion. That increased to $24 billion before DND came out with a new estimate of around $40 billion. That too has since changed, and the project is now estimated to cost between $55 billion and $60 billion — and even then, the federal government acknowledges it doesn’t know what the program’s final cost will be to taxpayers. Parliamentary budget officer Jean-Denis Fréchette estimated last year the CSC program would cost $61.82 billion, and warned that every year the awarding of the contract is delayed beyond 2018, taxpayers will spend an extra $3 billion because of inflation.

Despite the Liberal government’s repeated statements about openness and transparency, it took Postmedia more than three months to get basic information from DND about its request for new funding, and even then, the details provided are limited.

“These funds will permit the project to maintain the Project Management Office and to continue work under the Definition Support Contract with Irving Shipbuilding Inc. for the remainder of this fiscal year,” the DND said in an email. “This funding will primarily support the Request for Proposal, bid evaluation and preparations for the design services contract.”

The money will cover salaries and benefits for the 135 military and civilian staff at the DND who are assigned to the project office, the department said, and will also be used to train staff and upgrade their offices.

Prospective builders of the new warships submitted their bids on Nov. 30, and a winning bid is expected to be selected sometime this year. Halifax-based Irving Shipbuilding will begin construction of the first ship in the early 2020s and delivery of the first vessel is expected in the mid-2020s, according to the federal government.

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Artists rendering of a BAE Type-26 Global Combat Ship with the Royal Canadian Navy Ensign - a proposed design for the Canadian Surface Combatant Fleet. 
Defence analyst Martin Shadwick said that without more detail of how the funds will be spent it’s hard to determine whether taxpayers are getting value for money. “But it seems a very high cost to run a project office for a one-year period and to evaluate bids,” added Shadwick, a strategic studies professor at York University in Toronto.

The surface combatant project, intended to provide the backbone of the future Royal Canadian Navy, has long been controversial.

In a surprise twist in November, a French-Italian consortium declined to formally submit a bid, instead offering Canada a fleet of vessels at half the price. Fincantieri of Italy and Naval Group of France don’t believe the established procurement process for the surface combatant program, already beset with delays and increasing costs, will be successful.

They instead proposed that Irving Shipbuilding construct 15 ships based on the consortium’s proven FREMM frigate design, currently in operation in both the French and Italian navies, among others, and guaranteed a fixed price of $30 billion. Thier proposal also focused on using Canadian technology on board the ships, and would have transferred technology to Canadian firms so they could be involved in future sales of the FREMM vessels on the international market. Under the plan, Irving would have been able to start building the warships almost immediately.

The Canadian government, however, rejected the offer.

Image result for Alpino fremm frigate
Italian Navy Alpino FREMM Frigate. Italy ordered 10 FREMM Frigates. The FREMM is currently operated by the Italian Navy, the French Navy, the Egyptian Navy, and the Royal Moroccan Navy. 

CP-140 Aurora Good To Fly Until 2030; Replacement Plan In The Works

By: David Pugliese, Defence Watch 

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CP-140 Aurora escorted by CF-18 Fighter Jets. Vanguard Magazine. 

Pat Finn, the Department of National Defence’s assistant deputy minister for materiel, says the Aurora maritime surveillance aircraft will be around for a while. “We still have some years ahead as we add more capability to the aircraft,” he recently told parliamentarians. “We’re just finishing the life extension of the aircraft to 2030, which is a pretty significant capability investment.”

A short time later, Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan signed a letter signaling Canada’s intent to join the Maritime Multi-Missions Aircraft forum, along with other nations, to share force development resources and knowledge. The end result could be a new maritime patrol aircraft. Poland and Canada were invited to join existing members of the forum which include France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Spain and Turkey.

So what exactly comes next?

The Cooperation on Maritime Multi-Mission Aircraft (M3A) Capabilities is part of NATO’s Smart Defence Initiatives. It has a M3A Specialist Team, which is a multinational force development working group that is currently chaired by Canada. The team’s job is to examine technological advancements in the area of maritime patrol aircraft.

Department of National Defence spokeswoman Jessica Lamirande told Defence Watch the information gathered by the ST will be used to support the statement of requirement for Canada’s next generation multi-mission aircraft. That initiative is included in the Liberal’s defence policy but with the Aurora flying until 2030 the replacement is still a ways off.


In addition, the activities of the ST will also indirectly inform the advancement of other DND initiatives including those related to Arctic Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance, Lamirande added.

Wednesday, March 7, 2018

USAF to Take 136 F-18s Out of Service; But Don't Count on Any for Canada

By: David Pugliese, Defence Watch 

The U.S. Navy is removing from service 136 of its older F-18s. That has immediately prompted suggestions in some parts of the Canadian defence community that the aircraft could be used to bolster Canada’s aging CF-18 fleet.

But don’t count on that happening.

The USN is hoping to provide the U.S. Marines with the best of the surplus aircraft to bolster the Marines’ fighter capability. And then it intends to use the others for spare parts for its F-18s still operating. The 136 aircraft will be removed from service between now and 2020.

Canadian defence sources say discussions between Canada and Australia for the purchase of 18 surplus F-18s are moving smoothly along. There is no need to look at U.S. surplus aircraft even if the USN was interested in providing them to Canada, they added.

On Peacekeeping, Canada is Failing the Global Community

By: Ian J. Keddie, Macleans Magazine 

General Jonathan Vance, Canada’s chief of defence staff, has a confident and relaxed way about him. But when he opened the second day of the Conference of Defence Association in Ottawa last week, and then answered questions from reporters on the country’s peacekeeping operations, the tone seemed wrong for the moment. “The UN has spaces available for nations to contribute to, should they wish. We understand what those spaces available are,” said Gen. Vance, adding that the government is in preliminary stages of planning such a deployment “We are in what I would call the planning stages to deploy forces. We’re trying to match best fit to best missions with the capability that we have. So it’s a work in progress, but it’s going well.”

The optimism of that tone came in stark contrast to the many speakers who highlighted the government’s failure to carry through with a 2016 pledge to deploy up to 750 personnel on international peacekeeping missions in addition to the 112 which were deployed at the time of the announcement. The most recent figures from the United Nations show that Canada’s commitment has reached an all-time low, and now stands at just 43 peacekeeping personnel at present. This represents the lowest number of uniformed personnel and lowest global military contribution for Canada since 1956.

The Liberal government maintains that it is merely awaiting the right opportunity to deliver on 2016’s promises. Gen. Vance’s suggestion that Canada is in the “the planning stages to deploy forces” maintains the idea that the government is still searching for deployments that Canadian forces can support and the Prime Minister’s own speech at the UN Peacekeeping Defence Ministerial in Vancouver in November 2017 outlined the need for Canada to deliver more. “We are making these pledges today, because we believe in the United Nations and we believe in peacekeeping,” the Prime Minister said at the time, as he called for a new era in peacekeeping.

But rather than delivering a reinvigorated peacekeeping effort, two years of handwringing by the Trudeau administration has seen Canada revert to a pre-Pearson era level of deployment. Experts agree that decision-making has become paralyzed and that the Liberal government seems reluctant to follow through on its promises. “Canada has let the UN down,” said Dr. Walter Dorn of the Canadian Forces College. “If you actually look at the pledges we would have more than 750 uniformed personnel and we’re down at an all-time low. It’s a disappointment and at this point, you could say it’s a broken promise.” Dorn puts the blame at desks of the most senior figures in the current administration: “I think it’s at the cabinet level: the Prime Minister, the Defence Minister and the Foreign Minister just haven’t got their act together.”

Even more disappointing is that the original troop pledge was sold as a sign of Canada’s commitment to the international community. “This government came to power with the promise of doing real peacekeeping and then has repeatedly told the UN and lots of countries that might want to vote for Canada for the next security council seat,” said Stephen M. Saideman, the Paterson Chair in International Affairs at Carleton University.

While many of the conference attendees condemned the low number of peacekeeping personnel being deployed, there was disagreement over how Canada should move forward. Dorn suggested that operations in Africa could be more palatable, pointing that peacekeeping operations in Mali are less dangerous and less expensive than most people perceive. “The fatality rate is a factor of five less in Mali (when compared to Afghanistan), and the type of equipment you need is less expensive and the UN pays back a substantial portion of your costs,” he said. But Saideman thinks that missions in Africa would prove challenging for Canadian forces. “As far as I understand it, most of the places that Canada would be asked to go in Africa are actually quite risky. The Japanese have pulled out of the South Sudan because it’s falling apart. The DRC—600 troops would be a drop in the bucket. The people that I know that have gone to Mali suggest that it’s a counterinsurgency war, it’s not a peacekeeping campaign.” Saideman added that Canada already missed an ideal opportunity: “If I was advising the government I would’ve told them to go to Colombia last year, because I think that would’ve been a far less risky endeavour, but that would have made a contribution.”

If the government is going to continue to wait for a less risky peacekeeping opportunity, then there might not be any decision in the near future. If Colombia was the ideal deployment, as Saideman suggests, then it is unlikely Canada will find something suitable in the current trouble spots of the world. Trudeau and his cabinet have made numerous pledges of peacekeeping to the international community but those promises will fall on deaf ears, particularly to countries such as India, Pakistan, and Ethiopia who contribute thousands of troops to UN missions. It will likely come down to voters at home as to whether or not the government should take its pledges more seriously though.

With such a low number of peacekeeping personnel on operations, it is hard to believe the government can ignore the glaring contradiction in rhetoric versus action for much longer. If Canada truly wants to contribute to peace operations on a meaningful scale once again, it comes with an inherent risk. While there may be some missions that are better suited for Canadian expertise and equipment, it’s clear that the government has given every option some consideration over the last couple of years—but any further delay clearly rests on the desks of the Foreign, Defence, and Prime Ministers.