By: Aaron Mehta, Defense News
BRUSSELS — Poland and Canada have agreed to join a coalition of NATO countries seeking to jointly buy a fleet of maritime surveillance aircraft.
The two countries bring the total number of nations investing in the Multinational Maritime Multi Mission Aircraft Capabilities program to eight. The program launched with France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Spain and Turkey in June 2017.
“This joint effort recognizes the fact that the majority of Allies’ maritime patrol aircraft fleets will be reaching the end of their operational lives between 2025 and 2035,“ NATO Deputy Secretary General Rose Gottemoeller said in a statement through the alliance.
Canada has decided to rejoin NATO’s airborne warning and control system program program, while Belgium has agreed to buy into the alliance’s tanker program — a pair of moves expected to strengthen NATO’s indigenous air capability.
By: David Pugliese, Aaron Mehta
However, Gottemoeller emphasized that “the goal here isn’t just a drawing board design — we need a new generation of aircraft, in the air, fulfilling what is an increasingly important mission.”
And indeed, the program is still in the earliest stages, and it is unclear what may actually come from it.
The NATO announcement notes that the partners have been working to “define a common requirements document,” with the goal of having those requirements laid out by the end of this year.
In terms of potential aircraft, Boeing will undoubtedly encourage the partners to buy the P-8, which is already operated by the U.S., U.K. and Norway.
Those three NATO partners have an agreement on joint procurement for maintenance and equipment on that plane, which could potentially be expanded for the eight nations in the MMMA program.
Additionally, the U.S. is close to beginning construction at the Keflavik base in Iceland to allow the P-8 to be stationed there to better monitor the Atlantic for Russian submarine activity, a big enough priority for NATO as it moves to increase its focus on maritime security.
However, Airbus is likely to offer its A319 maritime patrol aircraft option, which could appeal to the European nations in the program.
Additionally, Canada is embroiled in a spat with Boeing due to the American company’s battle with Canadian commercial aviation giant Bombardier. The row has already cost Boeing an expected sale of F/A-18 Super Hornet fighters; as a result, Canada may not be enthusiastic about buying the P-8.
Along those lines, the Saab Swordfish — based on a Bombardier Global 6000 body — would likely be another contender. The company has marketed the plane as having four “NATO-compatible hardpoints” that can accommodate up to six lightweight torpedoes for anti-submarine operations.
Friday, February 16, 2018
Full Operational Capability of Canada’s New Fighter Jets Won’t Happen until 2031
By Tim Naumetz, iPolitics
The planned government acquisition of a new fleet of 88 fighter jets will not be completed with full operational capability until 2031 – 14 years after defence and procurement officials launched the project last December.
A timetable for the acquisition that was shared with aerospace industry representatives at an industry event on Jan. 22 confirms there will be at least four years of information exchanges with potential suppliers and contract bidders before a contract award in either 2021 or 2022.
Following another two-years set-up phase for aspects involving infrastructure, future maintenance, facility development, operations and “initial cadre training” at the “host nation” producing the aircraft, the first aircraft delivery is scheduled for 2025.
After that, another six years are slated for gradual acquisition of the fleet and pilot training, with an acquisition average of at least 12 jets each year and “steady state full operational capacity” in 2031.
By then, three federal elections will have been held since the project’s launch in December 2017.
2031 is also the year the timetable projects for the retirement of what remains of Canada’s legacy fleet of CF-18 hornets – already upgraded and modernized several times since their acquisition under the government of Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau in the 1980s.
A military expert says the time frame would be routine for a project of similar scope and complexity, but the CF-18 replacement project has been in the works since at least 2007.
“If you’re looking at a project of that degree and complexity, from a genuine start point 14 years is probably not at all out of the ordinary,” said David Perry, senior analyst and a vice-president of the Canadian Global Affairs Institute.
“But the thing is, this file did not start on December 12. The previous government did an exhaustive review of options. The clock on this starts at least a decade ago,”
All of the aircraft from five different companies in Europe and the United States who have been invited to compete underwent a thorough market analysis under the Conservatives. The Harper government suspended its plan to acquire 65 Lockheed-Martin F-35 warplanes following a raging controversy after the 2011 federal election.
“All timelines are estimated and subject to change,” the briefing document said, a copy of which was obtained by iPolitics.
National Defence and Procurement Canada officials at the project’s launch last Dec. 12 said the acquisition is expected to cost between $15 billion and $19 billion, not counting infrastructure, training, other development aspects and sustainment through the fleet’s lifetime.
The estimate works out to an expected cost of between $170 million and $216 million per fighter jet with a fleet of 88.
The planned government acquisition of a new fleet of 88 fighter jets will not be completed with full operational capability until 2031 – 14 years after defence and procurement officials launched the project last December.
A timetable for the acquisition that was shared with aerospace industry representatives at an industry event on Jan. 22 confirms there will be at least four years of information exchanges with potential suppliers and contract bidders before a contract award in either 2021 or 2022.
Following another two-years set-up phase for aspects involving infrastructure, future maintenance, facility development, operations and “initial cadre training” at the “host nation” producing the aircraft, the first aircraft delivery is scheduled for 2025.
After that, another six years are slated for gradual acquisition of the fleet and pilot training, with an acquisition average of at least 12 jets each year and “steady state full operational capacity” in 2031.
By then, three federal elections will have been held since the project’s launch in December 2017.
2031 is also the year the timetable projects for the retirement of what remains of Canada’s legacy fleet of CF-18 hornets – already upgraded and modernized several times since their acquisition under the government of Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau in the 1980s.
A military expert says the time frame would be routine for a project of similar scope and complexity, but the CF-18 replacement project has been in the works since at least 2007.
“If you’re looking at a project of that degree and complexity, from a genuine start point 14 years is probably not at all out of the ordinary,” said David Perry, senior analyst and a vice-president of the Canadian Global Affairs Institute.
“But the thing is, this file did not start on December 12. The previous government did an exhaustive review of options. The clock on this starts at least a decade ago,”
All of the aircraft from five different companies in Europe and the United States who have been invited to compete underwent a thorough market analysis under the Conservatives. The Harper government suspended its plan to acquire 65 Lockheed-Martin F-35 warplanes following a raging controversy after the 2011 federal election.
“All timelines are estimated and subject to change,” the briefing document said, a copy of which was obtained by iPolitics.
National Defence and Procurement Canada officials at the project’s launch last Dec. 12 said the acquisition is expected to cost between $15 billion and $19 billion, not counting infrastructure, training, other development aspects and sustainment through the fleet’s lifetime.
The estimate works out to an expected cost of between $170 million and $216 million per fighter jet with a fleet of 88.
List of Candidates for CF-18 Replacement Delayed without Explanation
By: David Pugliese, Defence Watch
Feb. 9 was the deadline for companies to apply to the Canadian government to be on the supplier’s list for the new program to provide a fleet of fighter jets.
Being on that list is a requirement to be able to enter the competition to provide Canada with 88 new fighter aircraft.
Public Services and Procurement Canada was looking at having the list formalized by Feb. 12, at which time they would make it public. The reason for the fast turnaround is because it is relatively easy to be included on the list – essentially a manufacturer has to have a fighter jet currently in production.
But the list has yet to be formalized. Procurement Canada said they are still working on the list but offered no explanation about the delay.
But expect the major aircraft manufacturers who have indicated previous interest in the competition. They are:
Lockheed Martin with the F-35, Eurofighter Typhoon, the Dassault Rafale, and Saab’s Gripen.
Sources are also indicating that Boeing will join the competition with Super Hornet….perhaps an Advanced Super Hornet?
Feb. 9 was the deadline for companies to apply to the Canadian government to be on the supplier’s list for the new program to provide a fleet of fighter jets.
Being on that list is a requirement to be able to enter the competition to provide Canada with 88 new fighter aircraft.
Public Services and Procurement Canada was looking at having the list formalized by Feb. 12, at which time they would make it public. The reason for the fast turnaround is because it is relatively easy to be included on the list – essentially a manufacturer has to have a fighter jet currently in production.
But the list has yet to be formalized. Procurement Canada said they are still working on the list but offered no explanation about the delay.
But expect the major aircraft manufacturers who have indicated previous interest in the competition. They are:
Lockheed Martin with the F-35, Eurofighter Typhoon, the Dassault Rafale, and Saab’s Gripen.
Sources are also indicating that Boeing will join the competition with Super Hornet….perhaps an Advanced Super Hornet?
Tuesday, February 13, 2018
Future of Canada's Role in Iraq Still Uncertain
By: David Pugliese, The Ottawa Citizen
Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan will travel to Rome and Brussels from February 13-15 to participate in a meeting of defence ministers from the main force contributors in the war against the Islamic State. Sajjan will also participate in a meeting of NATO defence ministers.
His trip comes as the Liberal government has yet to decide what comes next for Canadian military personnel involved in the war against the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant.
Training by Canadian special forces for Kurdish personnel is still suspended.
Sajjan said in late December that he hoped to have a better idea of the future direction of Canada’s mission in Iraq even as the U.S. and Iraq have declared Islamic extremists defeated.
Sajjan said at that time the Canadian Forces leadership was developing options for what is to come next and that advice was expected in early 2018.
The Liberal government has extended Canada’s mission in Iraq until at least March 2019.
Following the meetings on ISIL, Sajjan will travel to Munich from February 16-17 to attend the annual Munich Security Conference, a global forum focused on defence and security related issues, his office said.
Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan will travel to Rome and Brussels from February 13-15 to participate in a meeting of defence ministers from the main force contributors in the war against the Islamic State. Sajjan will also participate in a meeting of NATO defence ministers.
His trip comes as the Liberal government has yet to decide what comes next for Canadian military personnel involved in the war against the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant.
Training by Canadian special forces for Kurdish personnel is still suspended.
Sajjan said in late December that he hoped to have a better idea of the future direction of Canada’s mission in Iraq even as the U.S. and Iraq have declared Islamic extremists defeated.
Sajjan said at that time the Canadian Forces leadership was developing options for what is to come next and that advice was expected in early 2018.
The Liberal government has extended Canada’s mission in Iraq until at least March 2019.
Following the meetings on ISIL, Sajjan will travel to Munich from February 16-17 to attend the annual Munich Security Conference, a global forum focused on defence and security related issues, his office said.
Monday, February 12, 2018
Canada Pledges Millions to End use of Child Soldiers in Sudan
By: Lynn Desjardins, CBC News - Canada
The Canadian government has pledged $3.1million for a project to help end the recruitment of child soldiers in South Sudan. The money will be used by the Romeo Dallaire Child Soldiers Initiative.
Efforts made through the security sector
The organization was founded by Lieutenant-General (Ret’d) Romeo Dallaire in 2007. His first experience with this issue occurred when he was force commander of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda during the 1994 genocide. The initiative’s goal is “to progressively eradicate the use and recruitment of child soldiers through a security sector approach.”
The initiative seeks to equip security forces with training and tools to prevent the recruitment and use of child soldiers worldwide.
Canada renews leadership commitment
In making the funding announcement, the government noted today is the International Day Against the Use of Child Soldiers and said it “reaffirms its commitment to stand as a leader and work with the United Nations and others in the international community to end the recruitment and use of child soldiers.”
A news release noted the government has “taken strong actions to demonstrate this commitment” by developing a Child Soldier Doctrine to ensure Canadian armed forces are prepared to face and prevent the use of child soldiers, and it signed the Safe Schools Declaration which aims to protect schools, teachers and students during armed conflict.
The Canadian government has pledged $3.1million for a project to help end the recruitment of child soldiers in South Sudan. The money will be used by the Romeo Dallaire Child Soldiers Initiative.
Efforts made through the security sector
The organization was founded by Lieutenant-General (Ret’d) Romeo Dallaire in 2007. His first experience with this issue occurred when he was force commander of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda during the 1994 genocide. The initiative’s goal is “to progressively eradicate the use and recruitment of child soldiers through a security sector approach.”
The initiative seeks to equip security forces with training and tools to prevent the recruitment and use of child soldiers worldwide.
Canada renews leadership commitment
In making the funding announcement, the government noted today is the International Day Against the Use of Child Soldiers and said it “reaffirms its commitment to stand as a leader and work with the United Nations and others in the international community to end the recruitment and use of child soldiers.”
A news release noted the government has “taken strong actions to demonstrate this commitment” by developing a Child Soldier Doctrine to ensure Canadian armed forces are prepared to face and prevent the use of child soldiers, and it signed the Safe Schools Declaration which aims to protect schools, teachers and students during armed conflict.
Public Outcry: The Way to Fix the Canadian Forces
By: Ian J. Keddie, Macleans
But despite the limited size of spending on defence, the Canadian Armed Forces have, in fact, maintained a complex and effective range of military capabilities around the world, providing specialist experience and capabilities that are the envy of almost every country. It contributes to a diverse range of military tasks and has maintained a long history of supporting NATO operations, taking part in 19 international military operations and 11 domestic operations in 2017. It has sustained a number of missions in Europe under Operation Reassurance since the Russian invasion of Crimea in 2014. Operation Reassurance has been a sustained effort, with elements of all three services maintaining a presence in Central and Eastern Europe. Canada also has 450 soldiers leading a NATO-enhanced Forward Presence battlegroup in Latvia. In addition to European commitments, the Royal Canadian Navy has deployed a submarine across the Pacific for the first time in 50 years.
Despite this tempo of operations, the Armed Forces are often out of sight and out of mind. Indeed, Canada’s relationship with its military could be generously described as aloof. Little attention is given to the topic of defence in the country’s media, and the Armed Forces often take a backseat to many other national issues. Considering the significant role of the Armed Forces in Canada’s founding myths, military tradition and experience is strangely absent from everyday life, and thanks in part to this feeling of indifference on the part of voters, Canada’s politicians have allowed spending to dwindle.
There are, however, still military issues that provoke attention nationally. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s tone-deaf response to a disabled veteran at a town hall meeting in Edmonton last week about why the government was fighting some veterans’ groups in court over injury compensation—because “they’re asking for more than we are able to give right now”—demonstrated a profound misjudgement of attitudes, and he has suffered a wave of criticism as a result.
Trudeau’s comment will only widen the divide between veterans and the government. But a gap between civilian and military culture is not isolated to the Liberal Party: it is the symptom of a broader disconnect in the national psyche.
COUNTERPOINT: We’ve given up on Canada’s military, so let’s abandon it altogether
Canada’s vast geography has a lot to do with that: the country is simply too big and major population centres too far away from the main centres of military activities. Of the world’s 20 largest economies, Canada easily has the smallest military per area of territory. Short of completely demilitarized states such as Iceland or Costa Rica, it is almost impossible to find a country with fewer personnel per square kilometre; as of 2016, Canada has just 0.0066 uniformed personnel to protect each square kilometre, while Australia is the only nation that comes close, with 0.0074 personnel per square kilometre. South Korea is (understandably) the most militarized of the top 20 economies, at 6.24 in uniform per square kilometre.
Of course, this may be an unfair metric for the second largest country on Earth. But an alternative metric, using military personnel per capita, still leaves Canada the fourth-lowest number, with 0.0018 per person. In this instance, Canada is only beaten by India, Brazil, and China, whose large armed forces are eclipsed by their giant populations. Such measurements tell us nothing about military effectiveness or capability, but they do give some indication of the presence of the military in everyday life.
Indeed, Canada’s military is far less visible, particularly to people living in larger urban centres, and Canadians are less likely to know someone who has, or is currently serving in the Armed Forces. Countries such as the U.K., Germany, and Australia have almost 30 per cent more personnel per capita and the proportion is greater still in places like Spain, France, or the United States. The recent attention on defence spending by NATO nations has certainly spurred a greater discussion on the topic and it is right that Canada should gradually take more responsibility for national defence and seek to improve the role it can play with allies and international partners. But it shouldn’t require a wounded former soldier arguing with the Prime Minister for military issues to make the front pages: there are Canadian personnel carrying out tasks around the world every day that largely go unreported.
READ MORE: Why military funding in Canada is in such a sorry state
The other reason for the forces’ lack of visibility is the simple fact of our national peace. More so than perhaps any other advanced economy, Canada has benefited from the peace dividend that resulted from the end of the Cold War, and the implied protection that Canada’s close relationship to the U.S. provides has led to a complacent attitude towards national defence. The Trudeau administration has attempted to reverse Canada’s spending trend and aims to increase spending from around 1 per cent of GDP to 1.4 per cent by the middle of the next decade, but it’s a decision many saw as merely a response to a new era of uncertainty around U.S. policy.
Still, the Trudeau administration has touted engagement with partners and a wider global presence as an aim for the military and Canada’s government agencies, and the country’s various deployments demonstrate an ability to carry out that role. But if Canada wants to maintain such capabilities, then investment in personnel and equipment are vital for the future of the CAF. There was a great deal of praise for the navy’s new supply ship, the MV Asterix, entering service last month, but celebrations should be tempered by remembering that the MV Asterix was hastily procured as a stop-gap until brand new supply ships are delivered some time next decade. Successive governments have delayed decisions on the Joint Supply Ship (JSS) programme since 2004, and no construction is likely to start until 2019. Multiple attempts to choose a new jet has left the air force in need of its own stopgap secondhand F-18s from Australia, and a huge shortfall looms in the number of reserve personnel that the army aims to have by next year. Trudeau’s planned additional investment of $62 billion over the next 20 years is failing to make headwayin the first year of implementation, and there are many areas of the Defence Policy Review that lack specific goals or deadlines.
If Canada wants to invest more in national defence, Canadian attitudes towards delays or can-kicking of procurement decisions must change so that they are politically unacceptable. Such an opportunity presents itself this year when the government selects a winning bidder for the Canadian Surface Combatant (CSC) programme; the CSC, the largest procurement project ever carried out by Canada, represents the future shape of the RCN, and could be the first of many large investments into the future of the CAF under Trudeau. Other, smaller investment decisions in cyber warfare, drones, and satellite communications are capabilities that Canada lacks, and while many of these are outlined as requirements in the Defence Policy Review, they were given no specific plans. Training, recruitment, and retention have also been chronic problems for the CAF, but investment in areas such as these usually fails to grab the headlines in the same way that new jets or ships do.
The stakes are increasing. Two decades of delays and underinvestment will eventually erode Canada’s capabilities. Much of Canada’s military equipment is entering the latter stages of its lifespan, and it is crucial that the money for replacements is invested now rather than left until it is too late. There won’t always be stop-gap options in the future, and it is far more difficult to relearn capabilities than it is to retain them.
In Jack Granatstein’s 2004 book, Who Killed the Canadian Military?, the historian concludes that ultimately, public attitudes have allowed politicians—who should take “the major share of the credit” in the military’s fade—to ignore the CAF. The Canadian interpretation of the military’s role is distinctive on the world stage, as the country sees peacekeeping as the CAF’S primary function and ignored the requirement for national defence. It’s produced a catch-22: the military’s shrinking role throughout the second half of the 20th century often placed it out of citizens’ view, which has led to even less public interest and political appetite. As the Trudeau administration reconsiders the country’s foreign policy and the role the armed forces will play in that, the public needs to provide the momentum for sustained regeneration of the military—before it’s too late.
Opinion: Why the Canadian Armed Forces are trapped in a catch-22—and why pressure on our politicians is the only thing that can break it
Canada may not be known for its military might—perhaps rightly so. The country’s military budget has fallen among the lowest in NATO, when measured as a percentage of GDP, and procrastination on decisions for new equipment has led to years of delays. A Lester Pearson-era reputation for peacekeeping has subsumed, in the public’s mind, the CAF’s responsibility for national defence.But despite the limited size of spending on defence, the Canadian Armed Forces have, in fact, maintained a complex and effective range of military capabilities around the world, providing specialist experience and capabilities that are the envy of almost every country. It contributes to a diverse range of military tasks and has maintained a long history of supporting NATO operations, taking part in 19 international military operations and 11 domestic operations in 2017. It has sustained a number of missions in Europe under Operation Reassurance since the Russian invasion of Crimea in 2014. Operation Reassurance has been a sustained effort, with elements of all three services maintaining a presence in Central and Eastern Europe. Canada also has 450 soldiers leading a NATO-enhanced Forward Presence battlegroup in Latvia. In addition to European commitments, the Royal Canadian Navy has deployed a submarine across the Pacific for the first time in 50 years.
Despite this tempo of operations, the Armed Forces are often out of sight and out of mind. Indeed, Canada’s relationship with its military could be generously described as aloof. Little attention is given to the topic of defence in the country’s media, and the Armed Forces often take a backseat to many other national issues. Considering the significant role of the Armed Forces in Canada’s founding myths, military tradition and experience is strangely absent from everyday life, and thanks in part to this feeling of indifference on the part of voters, Canada’s politicians have allowed spending to dwindle.
There are, however, still military issues that provoke attention nationally. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s tone-deaf response to a disabled veteran at a town hall meeting in Edmonton last week about why the government was fighting some veterans’ groups in court over injury compensation—because “they’re asking for more than we are able to give right now”—demonstrated a profound misjudgement of attitudes, and he has suffered a wave of criticism as a result.
Trudeau’s comment will only widen the divide between veterans and the government. But a gap between civilian and military culture is not isolated to the Liberal Party: it is the symptom of a broader disconnect in the national psyche.
COUNTERPOINT: We’ve given up on Canada’s military, so let’s abandon it altogether
Canada’s vast geography has a lot to do with that: the country is simply too big and major population centres too far away from the main centres of military activities. Of the world’s 20 largest economies, Canada easily has the smallest military per area of territory. Short of completely demilitarized states such as Iceland or Costa Rica, it is almost impossible to find a country with fewer personnel per square kilometre; as of 2016, Canada has just 0.0066 uniformed personnel to protect each square kilometre, while Australia is the only nation that comes close, with 0.0074 personnel per square kilometre. South Korea is (understandably) the most militarized of the top 20 economies, at 6.24 in uniform per square kilometre.
Of course, this may be an unfair metric for the second largest country on Earth. But an alternative metric, using military personnel per capita, still leaves Canada the fourth-lowest number, with 0.0018 per person. In this instance, Canada is only beaten by India, Brazil, and China, whose large armed forces are eclipsed by their giant populations. Such measurements tell us nothing about military effectiveness or capability, but they do give some indication of the presence of the military in everyday life.
Indeed, Canada’s military is far less visible, particularly to people living in larger urban centres, and Canadians are less likely to know someone who has, or is currently serving in the Armed Forces. Countries such as the U.K., Germany, and Australia have almost 30 per cent more personnel per capita and the proportion is greater still in places like Spain, France, or the United States. The recent attention on defence spending by NATO nations has certainly spurred a greater discussion on the topic and it is right that Canada should gradually take more responsibility for national defence and seek to improve the role it can play with allies and international partners. But it shouldn’t require a wounded former soldier arguing with the Prime Minister for military issues to make the front pages: there are Canadian personnel carrying out tasks around the world every day that largely go unreported.
READ MORE: Why military funding in Canada is in such a sorry state
The other reason for the forces’ lack of visibility is the simple fact of our national peace. More so than perhaps any other advanced economy, Canada has benefited from the peace dividend that resulted from the end of the Cold War, and the implied protection that Canada’s close relationship to the U.S. provides has led to a complacent attitude towards national defence. The Trudeau administration has attempted to reverse Canada’s spending trend and aims to increase spending from around 1 per cent of GDP to 1.4 per cent by the middle of the next decade, but it’s a decision many saw as merely a response to a new era of uncertainty around U.S. policy.
Still, the Trudeau administration has touted engagement with partners and a wider global presence as an aim for the military and Canada’s government agencies, and the country’s various deployments demonstrate an ability to carry out that role. But if Canada wants to maintain such capabilities, then investment in personnel and equipment are vital for the future of the CAF. There was a great deal of praise for the navy’s new supply ship, the MV Asterix, entering service last month, but celebrations should be tempered by remembering that the MV Asterix was hastily procured as a stop-gap until brand new supply ships are delivered some time next decade. Successive governments have delayed decisions on the Joint Supply Ship (JSS) programme since 2004, and no construction is likely to start until 2019. Multiple attempts to choose a new jet has left the air force in need of its own stopgap secondhand F-18s from Australia, and a huge shortfall looms in the number of reserve personnel that the army aims to have by next year. Trudeau’s planned additional investment of $62 billion over the next 20 years is failing to make headwayin the first year of implementation, and there are many areas of the Defence Policy Review that lack specific goals or deadlines.
If Canada wants to invest more in national defence, Canadian attitudes towards delays or can-kicking of procurement decisions must change so that they are politically unacceptable. Such an opportunity presents itself this year when the government selects a winning bidder for the Canadian Surface Combatant (CSC) programme; the CSC, the largest procurement project ever carried out by Canada, represents the future shape of the RCN, and could be the first of many large investments into the future of the CAF under Trudeau. Other, smaller investment decisions in cyber warfare, drones, and satellite communications are capabilities that Canada lacks, and while many of these are outlined as requirements in the Defence Policy Review, they were given no specific plans. Training, recruitment, and retention have also been chronic problems for the CAF, but investment in areas such as these usually fails to grab the headlines in the same way that new jets or ships do.
The stakes are increasing. Two decades of delays and underinvestment will eventually erode Canada’s capabilities. Much of Canada’s military equipment is entering the latter stages of its lifespan, and it is crucial that the money for replacements is invested now rather than left until it is too late. There won’t always be stop-gap options in the future, and it is far more difficult to relearn capabilities than it is to retain them.
In Jack Granatstein’s 2004 book, Who Killed the Canadian Military?, the historian concludes that ultimately, public attitudes have allowed politicians—who should take “the major share of the credit” in the military’s fade—to ignore the CAF. The Canadian interpretation of the military’s role is distinctive on the world stage, as the country sees peacekeeping as the CAF’S primary function and ignored the requirement for national defence. It’s produced a catch-22: the military’s shrinking role throughout the second half of the 20th century often placed it out of citizens’ view, which has led to even less public interest and political appetite. As the Trudeau administration reconsiders the country’s foreign policy and the role the armed forces will play in that, the public needs to provide the momentum for sustained regeneration of the military—before it’s too late.
Arrival of Used F-18s Delayed until Late 2019; 2022 before all Delivered
By: Murray Brewster, CBC News
It will be 2022 before the Royal Canadian Air Force receives all of the used Australian fighter jets the Liberal government intends to purchase, says senior defence official.
It will be 2022 before the Royal Canadian Air Force receives all of the used Australian fighter jets the Liberal government intends to purchase, says senior defence official.
 |
| Royal Australian Air Force FA-18 Hornets fly over the Australian Formula One Grand Prix race track located at Albert Park in Melbourne Feb. 28, 2002. Canada has agreed to buy 18 of the jets from Australia. (Reuters) |
The plan was rolled out with much fanfare at the end of last year because the air force has faced — in the words of Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan — an "urgent capability gap" and is not able to meet its NATO and Norad commitments at the same time.
Pat Finn, who is in charge of the materiale branch of National Defence, told CBC News in a recent interview a final agreement is still months away.
He is confident, however, everything will come together.
Delivery is "staggered over three years," Finn said.
The Trudeau government announced in December it would buy 18 used Australian "classic" FA-18s as an interim measure to bolster the air force until the entire Canadian fleet of CF-18s is replaced, beginning in the mid-2020s.
It had wanted to buy brand new Boeing Super Hornets, the newer, bigger, more advanced version of the FA-18 and CF-18. The plan was scuttled when the manufacturer, Chicago-based Boeing, filed a trade complaint against Canadian aerospace giant Bombardier.
No price tag for the Australian deal was released at the time of the formal announcement, which was made by Sajjan and Public Works Minister Carla Qualtrough.
Ongoing discussions
Finn said those details are still being worked out.
The Liberal government said in December the first used fighters, which were purchased by Australia around the same Canada bought its CF-18s, would arrive by January 2019.
Finn said the delivery schedule is being finalized, but he anticipates receiving the first two warplanes by the summer of that year.
Another one would follow by the end of the year, but much depends on the Royal Australian Air Force and how quickly it retires the fighters and the age of what's being offered.
"They, of course, release aircraft as they get aircraft," Finn said. "We do not necessarily want the oldest aircraft, so we would like to have an ongoing discussion."
He said there is some flexibility and if "summer '19 turns into" something a few months later because they can get a better jet, then it's something that can be negotiated.
The Australian government is in the process of seeking permission to sell the planes because they were originally manufactured in the U.S.
Once the Australian warplanes arrive in Canada, they will need to be given life-extension modifications that will bring them up to the standard of the CF-18s, which have been modified to continuing flying until 2025.
It stands in stark contrast to the urgency with which the Liberals initially painted the shortage of fighter aircraft.
"In 2025, the CF-18s will not be able to fly, and it is important that we move very quickly in filling this capability gap." said Sajjan in June 2016.
Finn said the air force is managing the capability gap by making more CF-18s available for operations on a daily basis.
"We're basically working right now to increase the availability of our current airplanes," he said.
Experts say that would mean pouring more than expected into the maintenance budget in order to keep fighters on the flight line.
Urgent purchase?
One defence analyst said the government has a strange definition of urgent.
"Nothing about the handling of this file lines up with the identification of it as an urgent need, either the interim or the permanent purchase," said Dave Perry, an expert in procurement at the Canadian Global Affairs Institute.
He said he believes it will present a political headache for the Liberals come the next election.
"The fact that this government may, at best, have a couple of second-hand aircraft before the next election after having identified an urgent need to acquire new fighter aircraft is just incredible," he said.
When the Australian deal was announced, the government also laid out a timeline for the full replacement of the CF-18s, which were purchased in the 1980s, but extensively modified and upgraded in the early 2000s.
Public Works recently held a consultation day with defence contractors, but Perry says no one seems to understand why it will take until the early 2020s to launch the competition.
When the former Conservative government was struggling over whether to buy the F-35 stealth fighter, it conducted extensive research on the alternatives and possible types of warplanes Canada would need.
That research, which conceivable could move things along faster, was largely discarded by the Liberals and is gathering dust on a shelf, Perry says.
Pat Finn, who is in charge of the materiale branch of National Defence, told CBC News in a recent interview a final agreement is still months away.
He is confident, however, everything will come together.
Delivery is "staggered over three years," Finn said.
The Trudeau government announced in December it would buy 18 used Australian "classic" FA-18s as an interim measure to bolster the air force until the entire Canadian fleet of CF-18s is replaced, beginning in the mid-2020s.
It had wanted to buy brand new Boeing Super Hornets, the newer, bigger, more advanced version of the FA-18 and CF-18. The plan was scuttled when the manufacturer, Chicago-based Boeing, filed a trade complaint against Canadian aerospace giant Bombardier.
No price tag for the Australian deal was released at the time of the formal announcement, which was made by Sajjan and Public Works Minister Carla Qualtrough.
Ongoing discussions
Finn said those details are still being worked out.
The Liberal government said in December the first used fighters, which were purchased by Australia around the same Canada bought its CF-18s, would arrive by January 2019.
Finn said the delivery schedule is being finalized, but he anticipates receiving the first two warplanes by the summer of that year.
Another one would follow by the end of the year, but much depends on the Royal Australian Air Force and how quickly it retires the fighters and the age of what's being offered.
"They, of course, release aircraft as they get aircraft," Finn said. "We do not necessarily want the oldest aircraft, so we would like to have an ongoing discussion."
He said there is some flexibility and if "summer '19 turns into" something a few months later because they can get a better jet, then it's something that can be negotiated.
The Australian government is in the process of seeking permission to sell the planes because they were originally manufactured in the U.S.
Once the Australian warplanes arrive in Canada, they will need to be given life-extension modifications that will bring them up to the standard of the CF-18s, which have been modified to continuing flying until 2025.
It stands in stark contrast to the urgency with which the Liberals initially painted the shortage of fighter aircraft.
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| Minister of National Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan has said Canada has an 'urgent capability gap' and can't meet its NATO and Norad commitments, yet the timeline for new jets keeps being moved back. (Adrian Wyld/Canadian Press) |
Finn said the air force is managing the capability gap by making more CF-18s available for operations on a daily basis.
"We're basically working right now to increase the availability of our current airplanes," he said.
Experts say that would mean pouring more than expected into the maintenance budget in order to keep fighters on the flight line.
Urgent purchase?
One defence analyst said the government has a strange definition of urgent.
"Nothing about the handling of this file lines up with the identification of it as an urgent need, either the interim or the permanent purchase," said Dave Perry, an expert in procurement at the Canadian Global Affairs Institute.
He said he believes it will present a political headache for the Liberals come the next election.
"The fact that this government may, at best, have a couple of second-hand aircraft before the next election after having identified an urgent need to acquire new fighter aircraft is just incredible," he said.
When the Australian deal was announced, the government also laid out a timeline for the full replacement of the CF-18s, which were purchased in the 1980s, but extensively modified and upgraded in the early 2000s.
Public Works recently held a consultation day with defence contractors, but Perry says no one seems to understand why it will take until the early 2020s to launch the competition.
When the former Conservative government was struggling over whether to buy the F-35 stealth fighter, it conducted extensive research on the alternatives and possible types of warplanes Canada would need.
That research, which conceivable could move things along faster, was largely discarded by the Liberals and is gathering dust on a shelf, Perry says.
 |
| Canada's CF-18s were purchased in the 1980s and upgraded in the 2000s. (CBC) |
The Philippines Rejects Canadian Combat Helicopter Deal
BY DEMPSEY REYES, The Manila Times
The Philippines can look for different country sources that can supply choppers similar to those from a Canadian manufacturer whose P12-billion contract with the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) had been ordered terminated by President Rodrigo Duterte.
In a text message, Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana on Sunday said Russia, China, South Korea, Turkey and India can be the new sources for choppers with capabilities similar to the Bell 412 EPI from Bell Helicopter.
On Friday night, Duterte ordered the AFP to scrap the multibillion deal with Bell Helicopter and Canadian Commercial Corp. (CCC).
His order stemmed from reports that the Canadian government had ordered a review of the helicopter contract after Reuters said the Bell choppers will be used in operations against the communist New People’s Army.
“Are there other suppliers if the Canada deal will not push through? Yes, there are,” Lorenzana said.
“They [Canada] can think of anything they want to. For me, I maintain that they should not meddle since we bought [the helicopters]from them, not asked for [them]. One more thing, these are not attack helicopters but medium-lift [helicopters],” he added.
Last week, Arsenio Andolong, spokesman for the Defense department, said Canada should reconsider its decision to review the contract, adding that human rights violations allegedly committed by the military should be verified first.
On December 29 last year, Lorenzana and representatives of Bell Helicopter and CCC signed the contract for the purchase of the helicopters that will be used by the Philippine Air Force for humanitarian assistance and disaster response (HADR) operations and for ferrying injured soldiers from the battlefield.
Delivery of the first batch of Bell helicopters had been expected by the first quarter of 2019.
Purchase of these helicopters is part of the AFP modernization program.
The Philippines can look for different country sources that can supply choppers similar to those from a Canadian manufacturer whose P12-billion contract with the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) had been ordered terminated by President Rodrigo Duterte.
In a text message, Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana on Sunday said Russia, China, South Korea, Turkey and India can be the new sources for choppers with capabilities similar to the Bell 412 EPI from Bell Helicopter.
On Friday night, Duterte ordered the AFP to scrap the multibillion deal with Bell Helicopter and Canadian Commercial Corp. (CCC).
His order stemmed from reports that the Canadian government had ordered a review of the helicopter contract after Reuters said the Bell choppers will be used in operations against the communist New People’s Army.
“Are there other suppliers if the Canada deal will not push through? Yes, there are,” Lorenzana said.
“They [Canada] can think of anything they want to. For me, I maintain that they should not meddle since we bought [the helicopters]from them, not asked for [them]. One more thing, these are not attack helicopters but medium-lift [helicopters],” he added.
Last week, Arsenio Andolong, spokesman for the Defense department, said Canada should reconsider its decision to review the contract, adding that human rights violations allegedly committed by the military should be verified first.
On December 29 last year, Lorenzana and representatives of Bell Helicopter and CCC signed the contract for the purchase of the helicopters that will be used by the Philippine Air Force for humanitarian assistance and disaster response (HADR) operations and for ferrying injured soldiers from the battlefield.
Delivery of the first batch of Bell helicopters had been expected by the first quarter of 2019.
Purchase of these helicopters is part of the AFP modernization program.
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