RCN Reservists Experience life on New Zealand Warship

By Darlene Blakeley

Eleven members of Canada’s Naval Reserve are experiencing a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to see first-hand what service is like in a Royal New Zealand Navy (RNZN) warship.

Nine bo’suns and two cooks from Naval Reserve Divisions across the country are sailing aboard the RNZN’s Anzac-class frigate Te Kaha as it transits from Honolulu, Hawaii to Victoria.

The New Zealand Navy RNZN Te Kaha

The sailors joined the ship as part of the REGULUS program, which facilitates exchanges with partner navies from around the world, providing unique training opportunities and exposing sailors to the diverse cultures of allied navies. While sharpening sailors’ skills, the REGULUS program also helps strengthen relationships with allied nations, increasing interoperability and reinforcing the Royal Canadian Navy’s commitment to international peace and security.

Master Seaman Kaitlin Braithwaite from the Naval Reserve Division HMCS Prevost in London, Ont., was the catalyst for this group’s deployment. While working and training as a civilian primary school teacher in Auckland, NZ, she was given the opportunity to consolidate her skills as a bo’sun in the Naval Reserve as well. Through the REGULUS program, she requested and was authorized to sail aboard the Te Kaha when it departed Devonport, NZ, en route to Victoria where it will be undergoing a frigate system upgrade.

“Joining a new ship is always a bit daunting but I could not have been welcomed any better,” she says. “Every sailor welcomed me on board and helped me become a member of the crew.”

MS Braithwaite was able to join the RNZN gunners (similar to bo’suns) on bridge watches and says that functions such as lookouts and officer-of-the-watch duties are the same.

“However, once we left New Zealand there was not much for the lookout to see – open ocean with no contacts for over nine days,” she says. “All of my experience sailing in Canada has been on the Kingston-class maritime coastal defence vessels, which mainly keep to the coast for calmer waters. As soon as we departed New Zealand it was a straight course north to Canada experiencing sea state seven [six to nine metre waves].”

By mid February, Te Kaha had come alongside Pearl Harbour Naval Base in Honolulu en route to Canada.

“This was a welcome R&R stop that showed me just how welcoming the New Zealand navy could be. Their crew was always planning activities such as surfing, sky diving, and cage diving,” explains MS Braithwaite.

It was in Honolulu that 10 additional naval reservists joined MS Braithwaite in the ship as part of the REGULUS program.

“I was happy to see some familiar faces and was encouraged that I could help them adjust to ship life onboard the Te Kaha,” she says.

She explains that the name “Te Kaha” is Maori, meaning “fighting prowess” or “strength.” The ship’s motto is “He Ponanga Kaha” or “Service with Strength”, embodying the strength of the ship, the RNZN and service to country.

“This experience has shown me that even though thousands of nautical miles separate New Zealand and Canada, we are much the same,” says MS Braithwaite. “Our values and traditions as sailors translate across oceans.”

Her time with the crew of Te Kaha ended when the ship reached Victoria on March 5, but, she says, “The new friendships and lessons I learned while onboard Te Kaha will last a lifetime.”

Lord Strathcona’s Horse return to Moreuil Wood for 100th Anniversary

By Steven Fouchard, Army Public Affairs

"Charge of Flowerdew's Squadron" by Sir Alfred Munnings, 1918. Canadian War Museum - 19710261-0443

Moreuil, France — Current members of Lord Strathcona’s Horse (Royal Canadians) are returning to France to mark the centenary of a First World War battle in which one of their number earned a posthumous Victoria Cross (VC).

The commemoration begins March 30, 2018 when the Strathconas, as they are also known, will parade and re-enact the battle.

Additionally, the Town of Moreuil will grant the unit Freedom of the City on March 31. Freedom of the City is a tradition dating back to the Wars of the Roses, a 13th century conflict that pitted powerful British families against one another for the throne. Municipal officials of the time would meet with the commanding officers of units seeking entry and, once their intentions were determined to be friendly, the units would be invited to march through the city streets.

The unit more than lived up to its motto, ‘Perseverance,’ at Moreuil Wood where they and the other troops that made up Canadian Cavalry Brigade (CCB) faced a German offensive on March 30, 1918.

With British units in withdrawal, the CCB was called upon to face the enemy near the French town of Moreuil. With the rest of the CCB engaged with the Germans in the wood, a squadron led by Strathcona Lieutenant Gordon Muriel Flowerdew moved to the northwest corner of the battlefield to stop enemy reinforcements from entering the battle.

The 100-strong squadron discovered a German force of 300 bolstered by machine guns. Despite the overwhelming firepower, Lt Flowerdew led the squadron in a charge, reputedly shouting, “It’s a charge, boys, it’s a charge!”

He led two charges that caused the Germans to withdraw. The squadron suffered 70 per cent casualties and LtFlowerdew sustained wounds that would kill him the next day. “There can be no doubt that this officer’s great valour was the prime factor in the capture of the position,” his VC citation reads.

The action is also notable historically for being one of the last documented horse-mounted charges, which were falling out of style with military tacticians by the early 20th century.

HMCS Chinoutimi Celebrates Achievements in the Asia-Pacific Region

By Darlene Blakeley, The Maple Leaf 

Her Majesty’s Canadian Submarine (HMCS) Chicoutimi has piled up a lot of firsts on its lengthy deployment to the Asia-Pacific region.

HMCS Chicoutimi sails with ships of the U.S. Navy and the Japanese Maritime Self-Defence Force during ANNUALEX.

It’s the first time a Victoria-class submarine has deployed from the Royal Canadian Navy (RCN) to the region; been deployed for so long – nearly 200 days; participated in the previously bilateral ANNUALEX with the U.S. Navy (USN) and the Japanese Maritime Self-Defence Force (JMSDF); and made port visits to Yokosuka and Sasebo, Japan and Guam.

“Normally we have to take a submarine out of the water to change batteries, but this time we were able to do it safely in the water thanks to the expertise of Fleet Maintenance Facility Cape Breton.” — Captain (Navy) Chris Robinson

It’s also the first time a Victoria-class submarine has undertaken a large-scale deployed maintenance activity conducted by personnel from Maritime Forces Pacific (MARPAC) and Fleet Maintenance Facility Cape Breton (FMFCB) in Japanese ports – all while Super Typhoon Lan raged around them.

“It has been a phenomenally successful deployment,” says Captain (Navy) Chris Robinson, Commander of the Canadian Submarine Force.

HMCS Chicoutimi, under the command of Commander Stephane Ouellet, left its home base in Esquimalt, B.C., in early September last year. Its simply stated mission was to “support Canada’s global engagement strategy through strategic partnerships, port visits and operational interactions.”

But it has been anything but simple. Over the course of several months, Chicoutimi conducted intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance; carried out seven interactions with the USN, JMSDF, the French Navy, the Royal Air Force and the Royal Australian Air Force; operated with more than 20 surface ships and 50 aircraft; and conducted more than 180 hours of submarine-on-submarine engagements.

The success of this hectic tempo is a testament to the crew, according to Capt(N) Robinson, who says they worked hard and overcame challenges prior to deploying. In particular he mentions the unexpected swapping out of the submarine’s main battery last May.

“The battery, the lifeblood of a submarine, was functioning below performance specifications,” Capt(N) Robinson explains. “Normally we have to take a submarine out of the water to change batteries, but this time we were able to do it safely in the water thanks to the expertise of Fleet Maintenance Facility Cape Breton. It enabled us to get back to work much more quickly.”

One of the highlights of Chicoutimi’s tour has been the ability to gain a greater understanding of the challenges facing the deployment of a Victoria-class submarine to a distant, strategically important area.

“We had very complex logistic and maintenance arrangements with partner nations that we navigated throughout the deployment,” says Capt(N) Robinson. “We gained a much better understanding within the RCN of the multi-faceted logistical arrangements needed when supporting a deployed submarine.”

Successful routine maintenance was carried out in Japanese ports, with USN support. More than 30 personnel from FMFCB conducted over 1,800 hours of maintenance in eight days. Additionally, there was a month-long maintenance period in Guam, the first deployed submarine short-work period ever conducted by MARPAC and FMFCB. During this time significant repairs were made to fridge and hydraulic plants, diesel engines and motor generators.

Capt(N) Robinson is quick to praise both FMFCB and a deployed joint logistic coordination cell from Esquimalt.

“They provided stellar support in moving both parts and people,” he says. “They also overcame significant challenges in moving military gear in and out of Japan. This has enabled us to learn valuable lessons for future deployed submarine work periods.”

Capt(N) Robinson says one of the most rewarding aspects of the deployment has been building relationships with both the USN and the JMSDF.

“These strategic partnerships are built on trust and experience working together in major ways,” he says.

Chicoutimi developed increased interoperability with the USN’s Seventh Fleet and forged strong bonds with the JMSDF. For the first time a Canadian submarine participated in ANNUALEX, normally a bilateral exercise between the USN and JMSDF. It is carried out every year in the Southern Sea of Japan to practise and evaluate the coordination, procedures and interoperability elements required to effectively respond to the defence of Japan or to a regional contingency in the Indo-Asia-Pacific.

“This was a major achievement and a real manifestation of Canada’s defence policy ‘Strong, Secure, Engaged’,” Capt(N) Robinson explains. “It represents a clear indication of the RCN’s commitment to peace and security in the region, and shows that our navy is fully engaged and able to project sea power far from Canada’s shores.”

Chicoutimi’s prowess did not go unnoticed by the USN. “Chicoutimi has provided exceptional support for the 7F (Seventh Fleet) team during the past few months and I sincerely appreciate all of the work to make its deployment happen. Hopefully 2018 will bring even more,” says Vice-Admiral Phillip Sawyer, Commander of the Seventh Fleet.

Over the course of this historic deployment, the 59 crew members have been exceptionally busy. They have been able to qualify 50 per cent of new submarine crew and progress several higher level qualifications, all while conducting operations.

“Through it all the crew has been enthusiastic and morale has been very good,” says Capt(N) Robinson. “The families back home have also been incredibly supportive of this long deployment.”

Unlike surface ships, submarines have no way to communicate with family and friends while submerged, except through coded “familygrams” once a week.

“This is always a challenge,” says Capt(N) Robinson. “There is no phone and no internet while the boat is under water.”

During port visits communications can take place as usual, and families can also get information through the Military Family Resource Centre in Esquimalt.

As Chicoutimi arrives home, crew members are looking ahead to some time off before the submarine continues operations later this year.

“They can take great pride in knowing that they have contributed to maritime peace and good order abroad by patrolling, building strategic relationships and interacting with our partner nations,” says Capt(N) Robinson. “It has been an exceptional deployment on so many levels.”

Canada Puts Hold on Kurdish Weapons Shipments

By: Murray Brewster, CBC News 

Kurdish security forces stand guard in their defensive position in Alton Kupri, on the outskirts of Irbil, Iraq, Thursday Oct. 19, 2017. (Khalid Mohammed/The Associated Press)

Up to $10 million worth of weapons originally purchased by Canada to help Kurdish fighters beat back ISIS could end up in the hands of the Iraqi government, or helping to support NATO's military training mission, said Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan.

The federal government originally promised the materiel — grenade launchers, sniper rifles, mortars, anti-tank rockets and other military equipment — over two years ago, when it first reconfigured the size and scope of Canada's contribution to the U.S.-led coalition fighting ISIS.

The fate of the weapons, currently stored in two warehouses in Montreal and Amman, Jordan, has been up in the air for months following the refusal of the central government in Baghdad to sign off on their transfer to separatist-minded Kurds.

Now, the defeat of ISIS on the battlefield is prompting the Liberals to overhaul the mission terms once again — and that includes reconsidering who will end up with the weapons.

"What we're looking at is, where are the needs?" Sajjan told CBC News.

"We are looking at where we can do the best capacity-building and at the same time looking at where we can best counter a resurgence of Daesh [ISIS]."

Fighting between the Kurdish peshmerga fighters and the Iraqi army, in the aftermath of last fall's Kurdish independence referendum, forced a halt to a program of training and assistance for Kurdish fighters conducted by Canadian special forces.
The threat of a new civil war

Critics of that support program have argued that arming the Kurds could help tip Iraq into civil war.

Thomas Juneau, a University of Ottawa professor and former analyst at National Defence, said the decision to arm the Kurds made sense back when ISIS was a primary threat and the peshmerga fielded the most effective local force on the battlefield.

Canada's policy is to support a united Iraq. Juneau said that with the defeat of ISIS as a military force, it's only natural that Ottawa's policy would tilt towards Baghdad.

"The need has changed," he said, and Canada needs to be taking steps now toward "fighting an insurgency and building a legitimate government."

In doing that, Juneau said Canada and the other allies will have to walk a fine line.
Articulate a reason why it makes sense to transfer these weapons. Because at this point, I don't see that argument.- Peggy Mason, Rideau Institute

"We shouldn't jettison the Kurds," he said. "We shouldn't forget about them, but there needs to be more support for Iraqi national institutions."

One compromise solution might be to use the weapons to bolster the planned NATO military training mission, which Canada has signalled in a preliminary way it will support.

"If the needs are there for training capacity, and if our resources in terms of equipment — including weapons — are needed, we will look at that option," Sajjan said.

The minister added, though, that whatever Canada decides to do, it will talk to the Iraqi government to ensure "they are OK with it."

Canada will need to take a great deal of care if it opts to transfer the weapons to the Iraqi government, Juneau said.
'Thuggish, corrupt and incompetent'

The sectarian political divide between Sunni and Shiite — which led to the birth of ISIS in the first place — is still very much alive, he said, and the government of Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi still has a long way to go in healing that rift and avoiding civil war.

"It was a government in that was extremely thuggish, corrupt and incompetent and significantly contributed to the emergence of [ISIS] in 2014," Juneau said. "It is in the interest of the international community to build [a] legitimate ... national government, not only in the Sunni areas but in the country as a whole."

Peggy Mason, president of the Ottawa-based think-tank Rideau Institute, said the Liberal government seemed surprised when fighting erupted between the Iraqi army and the Kurds, even though most seasoned observers saw it coming.

Canada and its allies have tended to treat Iraq as a military problem, with development money thrown in, she said.

"I think the government should explain to us exactly what they are trying to do in Iraq and, if there is a role for those weapons, what is it?" Mason said.

"Articulate a reason why it makes sense to transfer these weapons. Because at this point, I don't see that argument."

There are also more basic questions that still need answers, including whether that stock of weapons meets the current conditions, said Juneau.

"Everything that's been sitting in warehouses for two years — is that right equipment? We don't know that it is," he said. "Chances are it might be, but then again it might not. It should be re-evaluated, not cancelled."

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Murray Brewster,  Defence and security

Murray Brewster is senior defence writer for CBC News, based in Ottawa. He has covered the Canadian military and foreign policy from Parliament Hill for over a decade. Among other assignments, he spent a total of 15 months on the ground covering the Afghan war for The Canadian Press. Prior to that, he covered defence issues and politics for CP in Nova Scotia for 11 years and was bureau chief for Standard Broadcast News in Ottawa.

Krayden: Canada's Peacekeeping mission in Africa is destined to become the folly in Mali

Whether we send 250 or 2,500 personnel, we'll be sending them into quicksand

By: David Krayden

Canada's upcoming contribution to a United Nations peacekeeping mission in Mali — announced by the Trudeau government on Monday — is destined to become the folly in Mali. It is exactly where Canada and the Canadian military does not need to be.

The Trudeau government has chosen a most inhospitable plot of land that is replete with Islamic terrorism, child soldiers, torrid temperatures and a raging civil war. (Reuters TV)

First of all, the Canadian military has been unequivocal in issuing warnings of deploying to African nations that are in the midst of civil war, rife with Islamic extremism and replete with child soldiers — and all three conditions exist in Mali. It's become one of the deadlier UN missions in history as a result.

A military briefing note on potential peacekeeping missions to Africa, published before the Mali announcement this week, warned that "child soldiers … are likely to be encountered on an increasing basis," which can lead to severe psychological trauma for deployed personnel. The document noted that combat encounters between Canadian soldiers and Mali children could become a public affairs nightmare if the engagement "is not well-handled, and communicated effectively." In fact, the authors continue, "there is a strong potential for significant negative impact on the mission."

No kidding. Any of us who remember Somalia can attest to that. In that case, the Canadian Airborne Regiment became embroiled in a very dirty war where it could not discern friend from foe, nor the kids from the adults who often came around to loot the camp supplies. It ended with a tortured and beaten-to-death Somali teen, a disbanded regiment and larger questions about the overall purpose of Canadian "peacekeeping" missions.

In the same briefing note mentioned above, the military warned about sending less than the most combat-capable troops to any African peacekeeping mission, suggesting that "a force consisting of only lightly armed and equipped personnel may be much more vulnerable to attacks from child soldier units."

"Consideration should be given to the provision of heavier weapons," it added.

Part of the rationale behind the mission is obvious: Prime Minister Justin Trudeau is desperate for a seat on the UN Security Council. (Christophe Petit Tesson/The Canadian Press)

So what is the Liberal government planning to send to Mali? Lightly armed helicopters and troops that are described as "support" and not combat-ready — exactly contrary to the advice offered by the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF). And of course, the Trudeau government wants our UN contingent deployed with a marked female presence, even though — despite years of emphasis on getting more women in uniform — women comprise less than three per cent of CAF combat arms today.

Part of the rationale behind the mission is obvious: Prime Minister Justin Trudeau is desperate for a seat on the UN Security Council, a UN body that is remarkable for its uselessness and characterized by its dominance by tinpot dictatorships. But Trudeau has promised the pursuit of the UN Security Council seat as part and parcel of the idea that "Canada is back."

But back exactly where is the question. If he means back in the 1970s, that would be entirely accurate and in keeping with the prime minister's perception of peacekeeping as a wonderful Pearsonian invention that seeks to remedy strife in the world with UN blue helmets and civil conversation. That kind of peacekeeping was both real and efficacious for the Cold War realities of Cyprus and the Middle East. But that is not the world we live in today.

Peacekeeping is an anachronism, and it is quite appropriate that the equally anachronistic UN keeps describing its overseas missions in that way. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Canada has largely been committed to peacemaking operations through the more robust delivery services of NATO, which did an effective job of ending civil war in the former Yugoslavia where the UN had failed.

But UN peacekeeping in Africa has a much different legacy. The mission in Somalia was visceral and devastating for the Canadian Armed Forces. In Rwanda, Canadian Lieut.-Gen. Romeo Dallaire oversaw a catastrophic peacekeeping operation that stood by helplessly while a genocide of 800,000 people occurred. Canada's experience in the Congo was dubbed "the bungle in the jungle" by many observers.

These experiences shouldn't be laid at the feet of the CAF, who (aside from a few glaringexceptions) provide that unique mixture of bravery, expertise, experience and civility that is so right for any peacekeeping operation — if they are actually deployed to one, that is, and not in the midst of the chaos of civil war and ethnic cleansing.

Instead of playing gender politics and demonstrating his sycophantic love of the UN, Trudeau should be ensuring that we have a military that is capable of fulfilling its basic obligations to NATO and NORAD.

Ultimately though, the folly in Mali is not just emblematic of a failed defence policy. After dithering over where to send Canadian troops to plant the peacekeeping flag, Trudeau has chosen a most inhospitable plot of land that is replete with Islamic terrorism, child soldiers, torrid temperatures and a raging civil war. Whether he sends 250 personnel or 2,500 personnel, he is sending them into quicksand.

David Krayden has worked in print, radio and television journalism. He served in the Canadian Armed Forces as a public affairs officer and was employed for almost a decade as a communications specialist on Parliament Hill. He is currently the Ottawa Bureau Chief for The Daily Caller, a Washington-based news service.
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This column is part of CBC's Opinion section. For more information about this section, please read this editor's blog and our FAQ.
ABOUT THE AUTHOR

David Krayden has worked in print, radio and television journalism. He served in the Canadian Armed Forces as a public affairs officer and was employed for almost a decade as a communications specialist on Parliament Hill. He is currently the Ottawa Bureau Chief for The Daily Caller, a Washington-based news service.

What does China's new Arctic policy mean for Canada?

By: Jimmy Thompson, CBC News 

In January China released a white paper describing its Arctic policy in a rare public move.

The policy outlines plans to develop shipping routes, expand its research programs, pursue environmental protection and develop resources across the Arctic.

The Chinese icebreaker Xuelong, or Snow Dragon, docked Thursday in Shanghai, after an 85-day scientific quest across the Arctic Ocean. (Pei Xin, Xinhua/Associated Press)

"I'm a little shocked," said University of Calgary associate professor Robert Huebert.

"The Chinese do not issue white papers. This clearly illustrated how important the Arctic is to the Chinese."

Experts say the policy is attempting to tread a line — between respecting the sovereignty of Arctic nations, like Canada and the United States, and leaving room to gain from disputes in international law.

Like the Arctic Council, the document specifically refers to the rights of the Indigenous peoples of the Arctic. It also references environmental protection, scientific research and international cooperation.

But it also repeatedly comes back to respect for international law, a choice that Huebert and Université Laval professor Frédéric Lasserre view as an attempt to articulate limits on Arctic states' sovereignty.
'It's this ambiguity over what China wants to do in the Arctic that's a bit troubling.'-Frédéric Laserre, professor at Université Laval

For example, the United States views the Northwest Passage as an "international strait" while Canada sees it as "internal waters" — a semantic difference that could mean major changes in how the waterway is managed and who has the right to use it.

Lasserre is co-author of China's Arctic Ambitions and What They Mean for Canada, a book coincidentally also released on Friday.

"We don't know how China places the hierarchy between Arctic states and international law," Lasserre said.

"It's this ambiguity over what China wants to do in the Arctic that's a bit troubling."

Huebert said China is especially interested in issues of sovereignty and access to shipping lanes, as growing and maintaining Arctic shipping is a "core Arctic interest."
A 'Near-Arctic state'?

China refers to itself as a "near-Arctic state" throughout the policy document.

The term that has no formal legal meaning.

However, it's been used in the past by non-Arctic countries that were eager to gain Arctic Council observer status.

China gained that status in 2013.

India has taken that a step further when applying for observer status, saying that its prehistoric geological connection to Antarctica qualifies it as a polar nation.

Lasserre said China's Arctic ambitions have largely been carried out thus far in Russia — with investments in a liquefied natural gas project in the Yamal oilfield and more interest in the Northern Sea Route by Russia than Canada's Northwest Passage.
New investments, new risks

But just last year, the Chinese icebreaker Xue Long completed a transit of the Northwest Passage.
'Be careful what you wish for.'- Robert Huebert, University of Calgary professor

In addition, Chinese state-owned firms have made tentative forays into Canadian mining.

The policy paper specifically refers to an increase in Chinese Arctic tourism, something Yellowknife has been an example of in recent years.

In 2016, Chinese tourists outnumbered Japanese for the first time ever in Yellowknife.

"They are clearly, clearly aware that there are new opportunities for investment in this region," Huebert said, adding that inviting Chinese investment in the Canadian Arctic could be a double-edged sword.

"Be careful what you wish for," he said.

"If the Chinese do start investing more [in Canada], if the Chinese do start sending more shipping — outside of the obvious economic benefits that would provide — what are some of the longer-term impacts in regards to the environment? In regards to the communities?"
'What do you intend to do?'

Both Huebert and Lasserre say the document is notable, in part, for what it leaves out.

"We're starting to see a little bit of Chinese naval activity, especially around the fringes of the Arctic, and that's always something that we have to keep an eye on," Huebert said.

Canada has begun making investments in its Arctic surveillance and security systems, including a new network of listening posts and the first of the Harry DeWolf Class Arctic and Offshore Patrol Ships currently nearing completion in Halifax.

For Lasserre, the solution is to keep a running dialogue as questions arise across the Arctic.

"I think that's what Arctic states should do in the future: ask clearly, 'What do you intend to do?'"

Smol: Canada is Weak in the Arctic

By: Robert Smol, CBC Opinions 

Russian President Vladimir Putin's recent boast of possessing an arsenal of undetectable nuclear weapons has not really had material effect on geo-political relations — yet. North American and European preoccupation of late has been less on Russia's military procurement than on the acute issue of the nerve agent attack on an ex-spy in the U.K.

On Monday, Canada and the U.S. both announced it would be expelling diplomats from its borders in response to the attack.

But despite this recent action, this country continues to bask in that ever-so-Canadian sense of delusion when it comes to understanding our place in a potential future Russian-American standoff. And while I do not want to sound like those old-fashioned "Russians are Coming" harbingers of hype, it is important that we take careful stock of our strategic military options in the case of a superpower spat — or worse.

For starters, the notion of a neutral, peaceful demilitarized Canada is a delusion. Whether we like it or not, Canada is perfectly placed to be the battleground of choice in a future conflict: we share a long and long-disputed Arctic border with an increasingly militaristic and hostile superpower.

Largely unpopulated, open and scantily defended, Canada's Arctic is the safest and shortest line of attack and counterattack in a potential conflict. To think that Russians, North Koreans or Americans will decide, out of courtesy, to hang a detour around the second-largest country in the world is dangerously naïve and irresponsible. And the United States will not necessarily protect Canada in the case of a ballistic missile attack, as Canada's senior officer in Norad reminded us last year.

We know that Russia is rather unabashedly building up its military presence in the Arctic. There are at least 18 recently constructed or upgraded Russian military bases along the Russian-Canadian Arctic border, along with its sizeable air force, nuclear submarines and 40 operational icebreakers with more under construction.

In terms of Canadian military assets in the region, we maintain a small signals intelligence facility on Ellesmere Island (CFS Alert), which is manned by approximately 60 personnel — not all of whom are serving military. In Yellowknife, Joint Task Force North maintains a small headquarters staff of approximately 70 personnel, with an area support unit of 50.
Boots in the snow

The Royal Canadian Air Force is represented in the region by a non-combat utility transport squadron flying four small CC-138 Twin Otter aircraft that came into operation around the time our prime minister was born. And apart from the southern Canada-based soldiers who occasionally stick their heads into the Arctic for short exercises, there is no permanent "boots in the snow" combat establishment ready to deal with a violation of our territory.

Meanwhile, the closest thing to a ground force on the Canadian side consists of a series of patrols of minimally trained reserve auxiliaries, The Canadian Rangers, who each receive all of 10 days training and are still carrying vintage World War II rifles.

Our government might try to assure us that the Arctic Offshore Patrol Ship project, which is currently under construction, will provide a deterrent to possible Russian aggression. But the minimal armament for these boats will place these ships in a "constabulary role," according to the Royal Canadian Navy. Translation: they are not going into battle.

The hull assembly of Canada's first AOPS. This ship is not going into battle, writes Robert Smol. (Andrew Vaughan/Canadian Press)

We might tell ourselves that the specially trained Russian soldiers, warships and fighter bomber aircraft that are now rigorously training on bases such as Sredny Ostrov, Alexandra Land and Nagurskoye near ourdisputed northern border have no nefarious intentions, at least when it comes to Canada. But they are there, armed and ready, on our disputed border. So the question is: what are their intentions?

Just how much longer can we pretend that our strategically important and resource-rich Arctic will remain secure? Can we really afford to delude ourselves into thinking that our projection of ourselves as a "peacekeeping nation" will be enough for the superpowers to both respect Canada's claims to the Arctic and sidestep our territory in the event of war?

As time goes on, and other nations continue to stake their claim on the Arctic, the answer may soon not be ours to make.

Robert Smol served over 20 years in the Canadian Armed Forces. He is currently a teacher and freelance writer in Toronto.

This column is part of CBC's Opinion section. For more information about this section, please read this editor's blog and our FAQ.

Future of CAF in Iraq in Limbo

By: Vassy Kapelos, CBC News 

Six months after it was suspended, Canada's advise and assist mission in northern Iraq remains in a state of limbo, with no immediate end in sight.

The mission was suspended after fighting broke out between Iraqi and Kurdish forces following a controversial Kurdish independence referendum in September. The two groups had been working together to defeat ISIS, but long-held tensions boiled over after an overwhelming majority of Kurds voted to separate from Iraq.

At the time violence broke out, roughly 200 Canadian special forces were stationed in and around Erbil. They had been training Kurdish troops in the fight against ISIS, and providing logistics support for front-line operations as part of Canada's Operation Impact. Those activities were suspended "temporarily" in late October.

So what's happened since? And why is the mission still suspended?

It's not easy to get answers.

What we do know is there are fewer Canadian special forces on the ground in Iraq. Sources at the Department of National Defence say they now number about 120, down from a peak of 210 last year. Since their mission was suspended, they have helped put together potential options for what happens next.

Canadian special forces soldiers, left and right, speak with Kurdish Peshmerga fighters at an observation post in northern Iraq back in February 2017. (Ryan Remiorz/Canadian Press)

But those options have been handed off to the government, and the waiting game persists.

Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan recently returned from a fact-finding trip to Iraq, but spokesperson Byrne Furlong said there is no exact date for when a decision will be made. She insisted, however, that the government is committed to renewing the mission sometime this spring.

"Discussions are ongoing on the next phase," Furlong said in an email to CBC News. "We are not in a position to presuppose them."

But defence sources say special forces will remain in Iraq in some capacity, probably as part of a NATO training mission. The options presented to the government are all predicated on the belief that ISIS may have lost its territory but it has not been defeated. So, each option involves some form of partnership to train one of the groups operating in Iraq.

Ultimately, though, what partnerships can Canadian forces establish given the tensions that persist in the region?

To be fair, the conflict between the Kurds and Baghdad isn't nearly as violent today as it was six months ago. The groups reached an agreement late last week that could be considered a breakthrough, as the Iraqis agreed to transfer badly needed funds to the Kurdish regional government.

Iraqi Kurds carry torches as they celebrate Newroz Day, a festival marking their spring and new year, near the town of Akra on Tuesday. Baghdad and Kurdish leaders recently reached a deal on government funding that helped to defuse tensions in Iraq. (Ari Jalal/Reuters)

But the fight for Kurdish independence hasn't gone away — it's decades old and shouldn't have surprised anyone when it re-emerged after ISIS's territorial defeat.

Kurdish officials hoped Canada's support on the battleground would have extended to its fight against Baghdad, but the federal government avoided weighing in on the conflict at all costs.

In deciding on a new mission, they might not have the same luxury. To ignore the tensions between Baghdad and Erbil again could be dangerous — and it makes many observers wonder: why weren't they taken more into account from the start?

Vassy Kapelos is the new host of CBC News Network's Power & Politics. She hosts her first program on Monday at 5 p.m. ET.

Five Things to Know About the Upcoming CAF Mali Mission

Mike Blanchfield, The Canadian Press 

UN peacekeepers arrive at the Niger Battalion Base in Ansongo, in eastern Mali, on Feb. 25, 2015. (Marco Dormino/United Nations via AP)

OTTAWA -- The Liberal government has unveiled Canada's 12-month UN peacekeeping commitment to the west African country of Mali. It includes two Chinook helicopters to provide medical evacuations and logistical support, along with four smaller, armed Griffons to act as escorts for the larger transports. Here are five things to know about Mali and the mission.

1. Lots of Canadian aid dollars. Mali has relied heavily on Canadian foreign aid, with only the United States and France contributing more. In 2014-15, Canadian development spending reached $152 million. Since 2012, Canada has also contributed $44 million in humanitarian aid following the country's 2012 crisis (more on that below) and about $10 million to support the UN peacekeeping mission, making Canada its ninth-largest supporter.

2. The 2012 crisis. It started when soldiers overthrew the country's president, creating a power vacuum that was filled by an Islamic insurgency. The fall of Libya in 2011 busted the locks off Moammar Gadhafi's arsenal, spreading weapons across north Africa, which armed various militia groups, including al-Qaida linked organizations. France led a war in 2013 that succeeded in driving the jihadists out of the stronghold they established in northern Mali. A UN peacekeeping force was established that year, and it has become its most dangerous mission with more than 160 fatalities.

3. Canada's drop in the peacekeeping bucket. Canada's contribution of 250 personnel is far less than many of its allies. The UN mission comprises more than 13,000 troops. Germany, the country whose air support operations Canada will be replacing, has authorized the deployment of more than 1,000 troops. In addition to the UN mission, Germany has contributed 350 troops to a training mission for Mali's military. France has 4,000 troops deployed to a counter-terrorism mission in northern Mali separate from the UN's peacekeeping efforts. "This announcement is a small but important step towards Canada's re-engagement in peacekeeping," said peacekeeping expert Walter Dorn of the Canadian Forces College in Toronto, noting that Canada's contribution to peacekeeping has hit an "all-time low" of a couple of dozen.

4. The political peace process. In June 2015, a peace agreement was signed between the Malian government, Tuareg rebels and other rebel groups. The Tuareg first sparked the 2012 rebellion, but that was soon hijacked by the better-armed jihadists. Those jihadists are outside the peace process. Gen. Jonathan Vance, Canada's chief of the defence staff, said "there is a prospect of a brighter future for Mali" but that "the basic deconstruction of Libya and the rise of terror groups, terror armies" has to be addressed.

5. The human rights situation. The UN's latest report on the human rights situation, tabled last month, offers a grim update of the situation in Mali. Between January 2016 and June 2017, it documented 608 cases of human rights violations involving almost 1,500 victims. These occurred across the country, including Gao, where the Canadian air contingent is expected to be based, and further north in Timbuktu. The perpetrators include signatories to the peace process and "non-signatory and splinter armed groups." The vast majority of the victims are men. The abuse included illegal detention, torture, extrajudicial executions, recruitment of child soldiers and sexual violence.

Sources: Government of Canada, The United Nations, Deutsche Welle

Freeland: There is "Risk" in sending Air Task Force to Mali

By: Rachel Aiello, CTV News 
@rachaiello

OTTAWA – The Canadian military will send peacekeeping troops and an aviation task force to Mali for a year-long mission, the federal government announced Monday, but it won’t come without risk, according to Foreign Affairs Minister Chrystia Freeland.

CAF Special Forces in Ebril, Iraq, 2017.  Canada will deploy four Griffon helicopters to escort two troop transport Chinook helicopters. 

"This is a risk, our Canadian women and men in uniform are extremely brave, Freeland said in an interview with CTV Power Play host Don Martin.

"You can’t take all the risk out of it, and if a country is completely safe then it doesn’t require UN peacekeeping operations," she said, while pledging that the government will do all they can to make the mission “as effective and as safe as it possibly can be.”

According to the United Nations, there have been 162 multinational peacekeeper fatalities since the mission began in 2013.

Canada is deploying two Chinook helicopters to provide transport and logistics, and four Griffon helicopters to offer escort and protection services, Freeland announced Monday, accompanied by Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan and Chief of Defence Staff Jonathan Vance.

"It is intended to support the mission as a whole, in the transport of people, equipment, as well as to support air-medical evacuation of any casualties and wounded," Vance said Monday.

Other specific details, including the number of troops that will be deployed, and when the 12-month commitment will begin, are yet to be announced.

"The task force will be accompanied by a number of Canadian Armed Forces personnel for support," the government release reads.

During the announcement, Freeland said one of the government’s key priorities will be to increase the number of female peacekeepers and that will be reflected in this deployment to the troubled West African country.

On Power Play Freeland said Canada chose Mali because it fit what the UN needed with what Canada, a relatively small player when it comes to UN peacekeeping, can offer.

"There are very few countries that have the advanced technical capabilities that Canada has, particularly in the air. So our helicopters are a particular contribution that Canada is one of the few countries that can make, and Mali is the peacekeeping operation that needs them, so that’s how this came together," she said.

In the interview, Freeland said that while Canada’s six helicopters won’t solve all of the problems in Mali, she anticipates the contribution will make a “very significant difference.”

The government says it will soon register its pledge with the UN and the Canadian Armed Forces will begin planning.

Retired lieutenant-general and senator Romeo Dallaire called the government’s announcement “wise,” considering how long it’s been since Canada has been a real player in international peacekeeping.

"I think it’s a first-class decision to get our feet wet back in Africa, in peacekeeping, and in a role that will give us an opportunity to learn and to come in with a high-technology requirement that is a force-multiplier for those 13,000 troops on the ground," Dallaire said on CTV’s Power Play, referencing the helicopter commitment.

"It gives us the experience of how we can sustain forces in the field in a complex area like that," he said.

In November, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau announced Canada’s UN peacekeeping commitment—focused on training, increasing female participation, providing air support, and a 200-person quick reaction force on top of a previous pledge of 600 soldiers and 150 police officers— during a conference in Vancouver, B.C.

Opposition call for debate, more detail

Conservative defence critic James Bezan slammed the government’s announcement of sending Canadian forces to what he called the “most dangerous peacekeeping mission in the world.”

Responding to the government's announcement, he said the ministers "failed to clearly articulate" how the mission is in Canada’s national interest and questioned the government's motivation.

Bezan accused Prime Minister Justin Trudeau of using this mission and Canadian troops as "political pawns" in what he called a "selfish political ambition" – namely scoring Canada a seat on the UN Security Council.

"We fear that Mali could become another Rwanda, or a Somalia," Bezan said. "Let’s be clear, Mali is a war zone… and there is no peace to keep."

The Conservatives are calling for a debate and vote on the mission.

During question period, Trudeau referenced his initial election campaign commitment to reengage in UN peacekeeping and said the government will "continue to work with the members opposite to determine the best way to move forward" with a debate on the mission in the House of Commons.

NDP defence critic Randall Garrison told reporters Monday afternoon that while he welcomes a renewed peacekeeping commitment, what was announced Monday leaves many unanswered questions, including how the deployment will be funded and resourced.

"We know that the Canadian forces stand ready to do their difficult and dangerous work for us around the world, providing that they are properly equipped, trained, and supported when they get home," he said.

Canada aims to deploy CAF to Mali by August: Sajjan

By: Rachel Aiello, CTV News 
@rachaiello

OTTAWA – The Canadian military is aiming to have peacekeepers on the ground in Mali by August, according to Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan.

RCAF Door Gunner onboard a Griffon Helicopter over Iraq. 

On March 19 the federal government announced its intention to send peacekeeping troops and an aviation task force to the UN mission in Mali for a year-long deployment.

"We're looking at right now this summer, we’re aiming for August," Sajjan told host Evan Solomon in an interview on CTV's Question Period airing Sunday. "The goal is to actually have the rotation in place, around that time."

Canada is deploying two Chinook helicopters to provide transport and logistics, and four Griffon helicopters to offer escort and protection services.

Other specific details, including the number of troops that will be deployed, and the rules of engagement, are yet to be announced.

Sajjan said Chief of the Defence Staff Gen. Jonathan Vance is currently doing "more detailed planning" and "analysis" to know specifically what will be needed.

"We have to be able to determine what type of planning figure we need to move forward on," Sajjan said. "Exactly where they’re going to be based and what’s actually needed there, that determination… all those things will have to be taken into account."

Sajjan also acknowledged that Mali “has become a very dangerous mission,” but assured Canadian troops will be ready for it.

According to the United Nations, there have been 162 multinational peacekeeper fatalities since the mission began in 2013.