AETE to move from Cold Lake to Ottawa

By: David Pugliese and Tyler Dawson, The National Post 

The Aerospace, Engineering, Testing Estavlishment Cover Phoro - Griffon Helicopter, CF-18 Hornet, and CT-114 Tutor

The Royal Canadian Air Force (RCAF) flight test unit Aerospace Engineering Test Establishment (AETE) will move from CFB Cold Lake (Alta.) to the airport of Canada’s capital, Ottawa. The AETE will thus partner with the National Research Council (NRC) Flight Research Laboratory, the Canadian government’s civil flight test unit, based here, to streamline flight testing and evaluation capability.

Meanwhile, space will be freed up at CFB Cold Lake for the arrival of additional fighter aircraft. The costs of moving the AETE is part of the budget which had been set aside to acquire the former Australian F/A-18A/B Hornet fighter aircraft, the first of which are due to arrive in 2019. However, the move of AETE to Ottawa will not take place before the Summer of 2021.

The National Research Council (NRC) fleet consists of Bell 205, Bell 206 and Bell 212 helicopters, a Convair 580, an Extra 300L, a Falcon 20 jet, a Harvard trainer, a DHC-6 Twin Otter and a T-33 jet. The AETE fleet currently has six CT-114 Tutors, two CH-146 Griffons and two CF-188 Hornets on strength.

The federal government will create a new centre of excellence in Ottawa to support aircraft testing, but it will come at the cost of relocating staff and shutting down existing military facilities in Alberta.

The move affects the Canadian military’s Aerospace Engineering Test Establishment, or AETE, which has been at Cold Lake, Alta. since 1971. Under the new plan AETE would be relocated to the international airport in Ottawa and partnered with the National Research Council Flight Research Laboratory and Transport Canada Aircraft Services Directorate to create a centre of excellence for flight testing and evaluation. The move would affect almost one-third of the unit, which employs 166 military personnel and 22 public servants. The remaining two-thirds would be reassigned to other air force functions, said Department of National Defence spokesman Dan Le Bouthillier.

Moving AETE will save $14 million a year and free up space for the arrival of more fighter jets at Cold Lake. Canada is in the process of purchasing used fighter aircraft from Australia and the federal government has committed to buying 88 new jets to replace the existing fleet of CF-18s.

“This partnership will streamline our flight testing and evaluation capability, while ensuring sufficient space is available for the arrival of additional fighter aircraft in Cold Lake,” Le Bouthillier said.


This partnership will streamline our flight testing and evaluation capability, while ensuring sufficient space is available for the arrival of additional fighter aircraft in Cold Lake

The move, however, is not sitting well with local politicians.

David Yurdiga, the Conservative MP for the area, said he’d heard about the move on Monday when it was raised at the House Commons Standing Committee on Public Accounts. DND officials briefing the committee said there had been consultation about the move with local politicians. “It’s totally not true,” said Yurdiga.

Craig Copeland, the mayor of Cold Lake, said the city hasn’t yet received a briefing from officials in Ottawa. “It’s been sort of verbally mentioned over the years that there would be a re-org,” he explained. “We’re hoping to get somebody to brief us.”

Details about the exact number of jobs that will be moved from Alberta are still not clear. It is not known how many of the air force personnel who will be reassigned to new jobs would continue to operate from Cold Lake.

Yurdiga said the loss of jobs would hit the community hard but he added that defence minister Harjit Sajjan had assured him there would be a “net benefit” to the community. “Cold Lake can’t afford to lose even one position,” Yurdiga said.

“There are so many unanswered questions and uncertainty is what the community is facing,” he added.

Copeland said he had heard an estimate of 50 jobs being lost. That would be a real blow to the area, already suffering from depressed oil prices, and with a home foreclosure rate, he said, of around 10 per cent. “That is concerning to me,” Copeland said. “On the one hand it’s tough to see people leave our community but on the other hands, we are hopeful — and expecting — that the Canadian military’s going to be investing (locally) for the new fighter jet program.”

AETE currently occupies the second-largest and newest hangar at Cold Lake, which will be repurposed for other air force needs, including the new fighter program.

The final details of the move are still being worked on, including costs, Le Bouthillier said. DND is in ongoing discussions with the Ottawa International Airport Authority regarding the location of the new centre, he added.

The costs for relocating AETE are included in the $470 million the Liberal government has set aside for buying the used Australian F-18 fighter jets, and would not take place before summer 2021.

The Cold Lake location was primarily selected for AETE because of the large evaluation range nearby and its favourable climate for flight testing. AETE employs test pilots, flight test engineers, qualified systems evaluators, specialist engineers, and technologists.

Postmedia first revealed the proposal to move AETE in April 2016. The plan first started under the Conservative government but the Liberals continued with the relocation initiative. At the time the Canadian Forces said it would still use the bombing ranges associated with the Cold Lake installation but other test work could be moved.

At the time, the military told defence industry representatives the remote Cold Lake location made it challenging to attract or retain people and that relocating could save money.

Dassault & Rafale Withdraw from CF-18 Replacement

By: Lee Berthiaume, The Canadian Press 

OTTAWA — The long effort to replace Canada’s ageing fighter jets took another surprise twist on Tuesday, as multiple sources revealed that French fighter-jet maker Dassault is pulling out of the multibillion-dollar competition.

Three newly delivered Rafale aircraft to the Egyptian Air Force (2017) 

The decision comes just over a week after the federal government published the military’s requirements for a replacement for Canada’s CF-18s as well as a draft process by which a winning supplier will be chosen.

Dassault had repeatedly pitched its Rafale aircraft to Canada over the years as successive governments in Ottawa have wrestled with selecting a new fighter jet. Dassault’s pitch included significant promises, including that it would assemble the planes in Canada.

But sources tell The Canadian Press that Dassault’s decision to withdraw was related to the fact France is not a member of the Five Eyes intelligence-sharing network, which counts the U.S., Britain, Australia, New Zealand and Canada as members. The five members have very specific requirements for how their equipment works together.

The French government, which had been closely working with Dassault as the most recent iteration of Canada’s fighter-replacement program has inched along over the past year, was preparing to notify Ottawa of the company’s withdrawal.

The move leaves four companies — U.S. aerospace giants Lockheed Martin and Boeing, European competitor Airbus and Swedish firm Saab — competing for the $19-billion contract to replace Canada’s 76 CF-18s with 88 new fighters.

A contract isn’t expected to be awarded until 2021 or 2022, with delivery of the first new aircraft slated for 2025. In the meantime, the government is planning to upgrade its CF-18s and buy 25 used fighters from Australia as a stopgap.

Dassault faced several significant challenges in meeting Canada’s requirements for a new fighter, said defence analyst David Perry of the Canadian Global Affairs Institute, and while they weren’t insurmountable, they would have cost time and money.

Those challenges included meeting those Five-Eyes intelligence-sharing requirements, which Perry said put Dassault at a distinct disadvantage in the competition when compared to Lockheed Martin, Boeing and, to a certain degree, Airbus.

“For any of the non-American companies, solving the Five-Eyes interoperability issues is going to be challenging,” he said, noting that the U.S. in particular is very sensitive about data-sharing.

“And it costs companies a lot of money to mount and pursue bids. So if they think at this point in time that it’s not a realistic prospect, then pulling out is pretty understandable.”

That could explain why Dassault never established a strong presence in Canada during the many years when it was trying to sell the Rafale as a replacement for the CF-18, he added.

The CF-18s are about 35 years old. Canada’s attempts to buy a new fighter jet have dragged on for nearly a decade after the previous Conservative government announced in 2010 that Canada would buy 65 F-35s without a competition, with the first to be delivered in 2015.

But the Tories pushed the reset button in 2012 after the auditor general raised questions about the program and National Defence revealed the jets would cost $46 billion over their lifetimes.

After campaigning on a promise not to buy the F-35s, the Trudeau Liberals announced in November 2016 they would take their time with a competition to replace the CF-18s, and buy 18 “interim” Boeing Super Hornets without a competition because Canada needed more fighter jets badly.

But then Boeing’s trade dispute with Canadian rival Bombardier saw the Liberals scrap their plan to buy Super Hornets and instead begin talks to buy 18 used fighter jets from Australia. A contract for those used planes is expected in the coming weeks.

The formal competition to replace the CF-18s is scheduled to begin next spring.

RCAF CF-18's Ground-Based Radars are Failing due to Age

By: David Pugliese, Postmedia 

The ground-based radars key to supporting CF-18 fighter jets on domestic and international operations are falling apart and still years away from being replaced, according to documents obtained by Postmedia.

Canadian Forces members set up a portable TCR in Resolute Bay, Nuvavut. File Photo. CBC. 

Defence industry representatives were briefed in April by Royal Canadian Air Force officers that the tactical control radars, or TCRs, are is a state of disrepair but there is no government approval yet to replace the equipment purchased in 1991. “The new roles and tasks assigned to the radars have resulted in considerable deployment and usage increases, and have caused the TCRs to enter into a never-ending deterioration cycle,” the officials were told, according to the documents.

The radars were supposed to be replaced years ago but the purchase of new equipment, announced with great fanfare by the previous Conservative government, was a dud.

Thales Canada, a subsidiary of the French defence giant, was awarded a contract in 2011 and was supposed to deliver the radars two years later. At the time of the original contract announcement, Thales noted that its award was building on its “40-year track record of providing world-class sensor systems to the Canadian Forces.”

But in 2015, the federal government announced the $55-million contract was being terminated by “mutual consent” between the firm and Canada. Neither Thales nor Public Services and Procurement Canada have said why.

A plan had also been put in place to upgrade the radars, which are used to provide long-range air surveillance and the capability for the military to control air missions. But that upgrade never happened because the equipment was being used so much, the RCAF confirmed.

RCAF spokesman Capt. Steven Dieter said the roles and the missions for the two AN/TPS-70 tactical control radars have increased significantly since their original purchase. The aging radars and the lack of a modern capability has had an impact, the air force admitted. “Over the years, technological advancements and operational developments have limited the tactical control radars’ effectiveness and the RCAF’s interoperability with allies on the modern battlefield,” Dieter said in an email.

The radars are used to support flight training, contributions to NATO and commitments to the North American Aerospace Defence Command, according to the RCAF.

It could still take several years before the federal government purchases new radars.

In the April presentation to industry officials, the RCAF noted it hopes to get the endorsement of the government to put out a request for bids for three new radars, but that is still yet to come. Public Services and Procurement Canada said that request for proposals could be issued later this year.

“We expect about a year to reach contract award, and delivery of the radar equipment approximately two years after contract award,” spokesperson Michèle LaRose stated in an email.

The Liberal government has promised to replace the CF-18 fighter jet fleet with 88 new planes. It is also buying 18 Australian F-18 jets to augment the CF-18s until the new aircraft are acquired.

Procurement Minister Carla Qualtrough said last week at the CANSEC military equipment trade show in Ottawa that she expects the first two used Australian F-18s to be delivered in 2019. But Qualtrough said she still doesn’t have a final cost for taxpayers for the 18 used aircraft, spares, weapons and other related equipment. The Liberal government has set aside up to $500 million for the purchase.

Qualtrough said negotiations are ongoing.

Pat Finn, the Department of National Defence’s assistant deputy minister of materiel, recently said he expects a deal by the end of the year with deliveries of the Australian planes to begin next summer. The Liberal government originally planned for the arrival of the first used aircraft in January 2019.

Further Reading: 

By: Daniel Maillet, CAF Distpach 

This is not the first time the RCAF and it's CF-18 Radar system has made the news. Back in November 2017, it was reported by Warzone that Canada's request to purchase the latest Air-To-Air Missile (AMRAAM), the AIM-120D, had been granted by the US State Department. The problem with this purchase was reported that the current fleet of aging CF-18 Hornets would realize little from the missile's most preeminent feature, its greatly enhanced range; because the onboard radar systems have a more limited range than the range of the AIM-120D. You can read the full story, by Tyler Rogoway, here

DND currently pegs the replacement of the Tactical Control Radar systems at a cost between $50 million and $100 Million. The Canadian forces are looking to purchase at least three portable radar systems, with a delivery timetable between 2021-2023. You can follow the procurement project here. 

List of Candidates for CF-18 Replacement Delayed without Explanation

By: David Pugliese, Defence Watch 

Feb. 9 was the deadline for companies to apply to the Canadian government to be on the supplier’s list for the new program to provide a fleet of fighter jets.

Being on that list is a requirement to be able to enter the competition to provide Canada with 88 new fighter aircraft.

Public Services and Procurement Canada was looking at having the list formalized by Feb. 12, at which time they would make it public. The reason for the fast turnaround is because it is relatively easy to be included on the list – essentially a manufacturer has to have a fighter jet currently in production.

But the list has yet to be formalized. Procurement Canada said they are still working on the list but offered no explanation about the delay.

But expect the major aircraft manufacturers who have indicated previous interest in the competition. They are:

Lockheed Martin with the F-35, Eurofighter Typhoon, the Dassault Rafale, and Saab’s Gripen.

Sources are also indicating that Boeing will join the competition with Super Hornet….perhaps an Advanced Super Hornet?

RCAF to Fly CF-18s until 2032

By: David Puglise, The National Post 

Canada will squeeze even more flying time out of its aging CF-18s, keeping the jets operating for another 15 years.

There had been plans to take the jets out of service shortly after 2025.

But representatives from companies who took part in a Jan. 22 industry day outlining the Liberal government’s program to buy new fighter planes were told the RCAF will now keep the CF-18s operating until 2032.

The jets, first received in 1982, will be retired after 50 years of service.

Some aerospace industry sources, however, question whether the 2032 retirement is set in stone since any delays in the purchase of new jets could alter that schedule.

The first replacement aircraft for the CF-18s will arrive in 2025 but the deliveries of the 88 planes would not be completed until 2030, according to the federal government documents distributed to industry representatives at the Jan. 22 meeting in Ottawa.

A CF-188 Hornet from the Canadian Air Task Force Lithuania perform manoeuvres over Lithuania on September 15, 2014 for the NATO Baltic Air Policing Block 36 during Operation Reassurance. Cpl Gabrielle DesRochers

The CF-18s have been upgraded over the years. In 2001 a modernization project was launched to allow the planes to continue operating until 2017-2020.

Structural improvements to maintain the fleet have also been ongoing and another upgrade program is in the works, with the aim to keep the planes flying until 2025, according to the RCAF.

That will provide the planes with various systems to allow them to operate with allied air forces as well as meet new rules to fly in domestic and international airspace. There could also be upgrades to weapons, the RCAF says.

It is unclear if yet another upgrade would be needed beyond that to keep the planes flying from 2025 to 2032.

Canada is in also in discussions with Australia to purchase 18 used F-18 aircraft to augment the existing fleet of CF-18s. While the exact cost of that deal won’t be made public until the contract is signed, the Liberal government has set aside $500 million for the project.

In November 2016, Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan acknowledged that the CF-18s might have to keep flying longer than planned, suggesting they could even continue until 2030 or perhaps beyond. The briefing to industry representatives was the first official government confirmation that the RCAF would stretch out the life of the aircraft until 2032.

Seen from the window of a Canadian Forces CC-150 Polaris tanker, a CF-18 Hornet fighter jet refuels in the air over Vancouver during Operation Podium on Feb. 18, 2010. Master Corporal Andrew Collins, 14 Wing Imaging

The Liberals have committed to buying 88 new fighter jets in a program that could cost as much as $19 billion. That price-tag does not include long-term maintenance.

Troy Crosby, director general of defence major projects at Public Services and Procurement Canada, said in an interview with Postmedia that a request for proposals from companies for the new fighter jets is expected to be issued in spring 2019. A contract would be signed in late 2021 or early 2022.

André Fillion, chief of staff in the materiel branch at the Department of National Defence, said the Jan. 22 meeting provided a way to brief industry on how the purchase will unfold. “This was an opportunity for us to start talking to industry about the context for the fleet in terms of its operation, sustainment and acquisition,” he explained in an interview with Postmedia. Fillion said attendees were given “a bit of an appreciation of where we are headed so they can start thinking about their solution.”

Further details of the purchase will emerge over the next year.

Canada is compiling a suppliers list which will include aircraft manufacturers and the foreign governments or defence agencies associated with those planes. The deadline for submissions to that list is Feb. 9.

The Canadian government will then evaluate the responses and a formal list will be drawn up by March. Only suppliers on the list at that time will be invited to take part in the competition and to submit proposals.

RCAF CF-18s intercept Russian bombers for first time in 2 years

The Canadian Press 

OTTAWA—Canadian fighter jets have intercepted Russian bombers off Canada’s northern coast for the first time in more than two years, as relations between Moscow and the West continue to worsen.

A Canadian Forces CF-18 makes a highspeed afterburner turn at the Great Lakes International Air Show

Two CF-18s were scrambled on Thursday after North American early-warning air defences spotted two TU-95 Bear bombers approaching Alaskan and Canadian airspace from the west around 7 p.m.

The long-range bombers, which can carry nuclear weapons, were also tracked by U.S. F-22 jets based out of Alaska, said North American Aerospace Defence Command spokeswoman Maj. Jennifer Stadnyk.

Stadnyk said the Russians never entered Canadian or American airspace, and acted “professionally and safely” before returning to their home base.

The incident marked the first time since December 2014 that Canadian fighter jets have been scrambled to intercept Russian military aircraft flying in the Far North.


It was also the fourth time in as many days that Russian aircraft have been spotted approaching North American airspace. Norad also dispatched F-22s on Monday to track Bear bombers that were flying near Alaska.

Two TU-95s were also spotted near Alaskan airspace on Tuesday while two IL-38 maritime patrol aircraft were tracked on Wednesday, though Norad opted not to scramble fighters in either case.

“We haven’t seen this level of activity since July 2015,” Stadnyk said, though she added: “It’s not unprecedented. What they’re doing this week is very similar to what they used to do.”



Such Russian bomber flights over the Far North were a regular occurrence between 2012-14, Stadnyk said, before the TU-95s were grounded over safety concerns.

One of the bombers skidded off a runway on June 8, 2015, and caught fire, killing a crew member and injuring several more.

The resumption of Russian flights over the Arctic this week comes at a key moment for Russia and the West, whose relationship has reached what U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson recently called “a low point.”

Ties between Moscow and Washington have been particularly strained ever since the U.S. launched a cruise-missile strike against Syria, which it blamed for a chemical attack that killed more than 80 people earlier this month.

Relations between Ottawa and Moscow have not been spared, despite the Liberal government’s initial plan to re-engage Russia.

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau called out the Kremlin earlier this month for supporting the Syrian government of president Bashar Assad, who is widely seen by the West as being responsible for the attack.

More than 450 Canadian troops are also preparing to head to Latvia in the next few weeks, where they will lead a NATO force intended to check Russian aggression in eastern Europe.

And Foreign Affairs Minister Chrystia Freeland remains on a list of individuals banned from visiting Russia, after Canada slapped the country with sanctions for annexing Crimea in 2014.

Steve Saideman, a political science professor at Carleton University’s Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, said the Russians could be trying to send a signal to the Trump administration.

But he noted the Russians have been conducting such military flights throughout Europe and Asia for years, “so if it’s a message to Trump, what’s the message?”

RCAF CF-18's to Deploy to Iceland and Romania in 2017

By: Murray Brewster, CBC News 

A flight of six CF-18 jet fighters will soon depart for Iceland in one of two overseas missions this year in a show of solidarity with NATO allies.

Coming out of last year's Warsaw Summit, the Trudeau government committed to deploying an air task force as part of a range of measures meant to check Russian ambitions in Eastern Europe.

It has not, until now, confirmed any details.

Canada's aging CF-18s will conduct unarmed patrols out of Iceland for several weeks, beginning in late May. That will be followed in September by another air policing mission in Romania, defence officials confirmed to CBC News. 

Keflavik, Iceland, 5 April 2013 – CF-18 jets fly over Iceland during Operation IGNITION 2013. (photo by Corporal Pierre Habib, 3 Wing Bagotville)

Related:

Majority of CF-18s will fly beyond 'certified safe life': internal report
Air force warned readiness of fighter fleet was declining back in 2014

The deployments are the first major overseas missions since the Liberal government raised alarm last spring about what they described as a "capability gap" within the fighter fleet.

They are concerned about the air force having enough serviceable fighters to conduct both NATO and Norad (North American Aerospace Defence Command) missions concurrently.

A spokesperson for the military's strategic joint staff says the situation is in hand.

"The RCAF is actively risk-managing the capability gap to simultaneously meet our Norad and NATO commitments," said Capt. Patricia Brunelle.

The deployment also comes after the release of internal documents showing the military was concerned as far back as three years ago that the combat readiness of its front-line fighter fleet was declining because of fewer training hours and lean maintenance budgets under the former Conservative government.
Russia and NATO

The fact the Liberal government has chosen to conduct back-to-back fighter deployments speaks volumes, a defence expert said.

Dave Perry, an analyst with the Canadian Global Affairs Institute, said it could be a sign that the Liberal government is more concerned about the strategic threat posed by Russia than it lets on.

There is also the possibility it is a post-budget signal for the Trump administration, which has demanded NATO allies meet the alliance's two per cent gross domestic product spending target.

"You could look at this and say it's part of the government walking the talk about how we don't spend a lot but we do contribute operationally," said Perry.

"I think there is a strategic threat and we should be reinforcing the alliance. Whether or not it is politics, I can't say."
Iceland has no air force

The Liberal government's recent budget offered only a slight increase in operational spending for the military but withdrew $8.4 billion in planned capital spending — money that is supposed to be put back at a later date.

Brunelle says the department will make a formal announcement soon about the size and scope of the deployment. But defence sources told CBC News it will involve six fighters and up to 160 personnel, which is similar to the contingent that deployed on the same missions in 2011 and 2013.

Since 2008, NATO allies have taken turns flying fighters for two month stints out of Iceland, a country of just over 300,000 people which does not have an air force. The patrols are co-ordinated with the Icelandic coast guard.

The Italian air force is currently conducting flight operations out of Keflavik Air Base, outside Reykjavik, with six Eurofighter Typhoon aircraft.

The U.S. has been conducting anti-submarine patrols out of the same base since last year at the same time experts had warned that Russian undersea activity in the North Atlantic had hit levels not seen since the Cold War.
Canada's NATO contributions

There will be no overlap between the missions in Iceland and Romania, said Brunelle.

"The missions will be one after the other and not concurrently," she said.

"There will be several months of gap between the two missions that aims to conduct periodic surveillance and air policing operations in NATO areas of responsibility and participate in joint training activities with other nations."

Canadian fighters have conducted at least two deployments to Romania — in 2014 and 2016 — following an increase in tension related to Russia's annexation of Crimea. They have also conducted air policing missions in the Baltic region, where the army is preparing to deploy 450 soldiers to lead a NATO battle group.

Will Super Hornet Acquisition Affect Arctic Sovereignty?

By: Matthew Fisher, The National Post

If the Liberal government goes ahead with its decision to purchase Super Hornet fighter jets instead of stealthy F-35s, Canada may be giving up its sovereignty over the High Arctic as it comes to depend on U.S. jets flying from airfields in Yellowknife, Inuvik, Rankin Inlet, Iqaluit and Alaska.

That was the unanimous opinion of half a dozen retired fighter pilots I spoke with recently, pilots with decades of experience flying over the continent’s northern margins and in senior positions at NORAD headquarters in Colorado: that Canada would be relegated to “second-tier status” in defending its own territory.

U.S. war planes such as the F-35 and F-22 would defend the bulk of Canada’s vast northern air space because they would be invisible to Russian radars and would be able to seamlessly share data and sensor information with each other and with airborne and ground command posts, the retired Canadian pilots said. Canada’s CF-18 Hornets and Super Hornets, operating much older technologies and much less able to deliver such complicated data fusion, would likely be tasked with defending North American cities far to the south or with shooting down any missiles that managed to penetrate the first line of defence, they said.

The 18 Super Hornets the Trudeau government has said it intends to buy are expected to cost between $5 and $7 billion. On Tuesday, the Canadian government sent a letter to its U.S. counterpart outlining what it’s looking for in a potential Super Hornet purchase, which the jets’ manufacturer, Boeing, will use to draft a formal proposal by this fall. If the price and timeline are right — and if the purchase would provide enough economic spinoff benefits for Canada — the Liberals hope to sign a contract by late this year or early next. The plan has drawn plenty of criticism.

“Will Canada be surrendering sovereignty? The simple answer is yes,” said Lt.-Gen. George MacDonald, who flew CF-18 Hornets from Bagotville, Que., for NORAD for five years and was the binational military alliance’s deputy commander before 9/11 and then served as vice chief of the defence staff in Ottawa before retiring in 2004. (He now works for CFN Consultants, which has as a client Lockheed Martin, the manufacturer of the F-35.)

“The Russians would be delighted to see Canada flying Super Hornets in the north,” said Gen. Tom Lawson, the retired former chief of the defence staff and ex-deputy commander of NORAD, who sometimes works as a consultant for Lockheed. “The Super Hornets will be a big, bright object on the radars of Russian early-warning aircraft. With the F-35, the Russians will not see them until they are too close.”

Gen. Jean Boyle, a former chief of defence and fighter pilot who was Boeing’s vice-president of international business when the Super Hornet was coming online nearly 20 years ago, says he can see the argument against using Super Hornets in the Far North. “In times of increased tension there is no doubt that NORAD would put its best assets, the (U.S. Air Force’s) F-35 and F-22, forward instead of a Super Hornet, to ensure the defence is thorough.

“My position, even when I was chief and ever since I was a colonel and started to understand national security, is that Canada should have a defence capability where we can defend all the northern and maritime approaches to our country, 100 per cent, that it is fully paid for by us and that there are no arguments on that point.”

“I am loathe to say we should buy the F-35 but skeptical about the capabilities of the Super Hornet,” Boyle said. “Having been with Boeing when it was developed, I am relatively aware of what the Super Hornet can do. It is fourth-generation compared to fifth-generation.”

Related
Liberals take next step toward buying 18 Super Hornets, hope for deal by year’s end
Buying ‘political insulation’: Liberals to call for bids in 2019 for permanent fleet to replace CF-18s
Retired air chiefs urge Liberals to ditch ‘costly and unnecessary’ plan to buy Super Hornet jets

A fourth retired Canadian air force general, who had not worked for either Lockheed or Boeing but whose company does not allow employees to be quoted by name, concurred. He highlighted “survivability issues” for Super Hornet crews because they could be seen by enemy radars, and warned that new Russian cruise missiles would be “a game-changer” if not confronted by a fighter with cutting-edge technology.

None of the former pilots interviewed for this article were among the 13 retired air force three-star generals who recently sent a letter to the prime minister decrying the Super Hornet purchase.

“I don’t know what the government’s calculus is but if they look to the threats in the future we should go to a competition quickly,” Lawson said. “Enough information is already available to develop an operational requirement to have a competition within one year to 18 months and to have the first aircraft delivered within three years.”

That is approximately the same timeline the government has been using to justify the need for an emergency purchase of Super Hornets rather than F-35s. The RCAF told parliamentarians last year that it can safely fly its existing CF-18s until 2025.

The F-35 and Super Hornet were both “tremendous airplanes,” Boyle said. “My position is to not buy from an interim proposal. We should move forward with an open competition. Put them up against each other and make a decision.”

A Deeper look at the necessity of a mixed RCAF Fighter Fleet

By: Alexis Amini, NATO Association 

Despite the military and economic benefits of having a mixed fighter fleet composed of the 5th generation stealthy F-35 and the 4th generation non-stealthy Super Hornet, some critics argue that Canada cannot afford such an aerial force structure. Therefore, some experts suggest that the RCAF should opt for a sole purchase of either the Super Hornet or the F-35. Nonetheless, with the return of great power competition, by having a single fighter fleet, Canada will have difficulties in upholding its two mandates defined in its current defense policy: the defense of North America in cooperation with the US and contributing to international security through expeditionary operations within coalitions like NATO.

Regarding expeditionary operations, peer and near-peer competitors are looking to counter Western air forces’ supremacy by developing land and air-based weapon systems that can be used in an Anti Access/Area denial (A2/AD) fashion aimed at making an airspace off-limits to an enemy air force including stealth fighters. Indeed, it is necessary to bear in mind that stealth has been developed to avoid detection from high frequency radars optimized for targeting, against which non-stealthy aircrafts are vulnerable. However, stealth planes with tail fins like the F-35 are visible to low-frequency radars used for early warning and surveillance. Being aware of this F-35 vulnerability, revisionist countries like Russia and China are developing low frequency surveillance radars able to cue high frequency targeting radar toward the F-35’s location in the sky. Such a radar system can detect and target both non-stealth and stealth aircrafts at greater distances. It is being integrated into ground A2/AD weapons like surface-to-air missiles (SAMs) batteries as well as aerial A2/AD assets like fighters such as the Russian non-stealthy Flanker and the stealthy T-50 PAK-FA. Such a development is quite revolutionary since low frequency radars are voluminous compared to their high frequency counterparts. Usually, airborne low frequency radars are installed as radar dishes on top of large airframes acting as Airborne Early Warning (AEW) platforms such as the E-3 Sentry or the E-2 Hawkeye. That said, the Russian aerospace industry managed to miniaturize these low frequency radars and fit them on fighters in addition to their onboard high frequency targeting radar. Current Western fighters like the 4thgeneration Super Hornet and the 5th generation F-35s are only equipped with high frequency targeting radars which only permits them to detect and engage non-stealthy platforms while enemy stealth jets may operate unopposed.

To counter this rising A2/AD threat in the context of expeditionary operations, a mixed fighter fleet composed of a single type of stealth jet and a series of non-stealth aircrafts is essential. The non-stealth component would include Electronic Warfare (EW) aircrafts, airborne missile platforms (or arsenal planes) and dedicated AEW planes equipped with low frequency radars capable of detecting both stealthy and non-stealthy enemy jets. The stealth component would be composed of the F-35 that will mainly act as a survivable Intelligence, Surveillance, Target Acquisition and Reconnaissance (ISTAR) platform as well as an airborne Command and Control (C2) node. Indeed, since near peer and peer competitors will possess a vast amount of military capabilities employed in an A2/AD fashion, stealth fighters cannot destroy those in a swift manner given their limited payload due to their stealth design. The F-35 would be armed with missiles for mostly self-defense. Therefore, to degrade these A2/AD military capabilities in the swiftest way possible, a non-stealthy platform that can act as an arsenal plane is required. As a first step to degrade the air defenses, an EW aircraft operating at a safe distance from the A2/AD envelope will jam low-frequency surveillance radars equipping SAM batteries and airborne enemy fighters. Once the low frequency radars are jammed thus preventing the cueing of high frequency targeting radars designed to guide missiles launched from opposing SAMs or jets, the F-35 can safely enter the A2/AD envelope and identify land and airborne non-stealthy targets (ISTAR role) whose coordinates will be transmitted to far-flying arsenal planes armed with long-range missiles (C2 role). Parallel to that, an AEW platform equipped with a low-frequency radar would be operating at a safe distance from the A2/AD envelope and would be tasked with searching and detecting airborne stealth fighters and then cue in F-35s and non-stealthy arsenal planes’ high frequency targeting radar toward the enemy stealth jet’s location so that they may eliminate them.

Despite the advantages of such a mixed fighter fleet in facing the A2/AD threat posed by revisionist powers, critics argue that Canada cannot afford such a force structure. Indeed, a mixed fighter fleet entails high costs given the need for distinct supply chains and training regimens, something Ottawa can ill afford with a limited defense budget. Therefore, the case is being made for a RCAF exclusively composed of either the 4thgeneration non-stealthy Super Hornets or the 5th generation F-35. However, in developing a single type force structure, Canada will not have the full spectrum of capabilities mentioned above that are necessary to degrade an A2/AD envelope. The RCAF would have to rely on other partners for certain capabilities it will not have in its arsenal. Thus, Canada will only be a second-tier partner in any future coalition in the context of expeditionary operations. Such an outcome would dash Canada’s aspiration to be an invaluable coalition partner by having military capabilities in high demand.

In addition, a single type fighter fleet would complicate Canada’s task in defending North American airspace in the context of NORAD. Since Russian aerospace forces possess 4th generation Flankers and 5th generation T-50s are equipped with a low and high frequency radar able to detect and engage both non-stealthy and stealthy jets at great distances, a single type RCAF fighter fleet composed exclusively of either the F-35 or a Super Hornet will be unable to effectively counter Russian incursions thus warranting American intervention as per the NORAD treaty.

Nonetheless, Canada can afford a mixed fighter fleet composed of a single type of stealth jets and a series of non-stealth planes if it’s a combination of one manned platform and several types of Unmanned Combat Aerial Vehicles (UCAV) given the relative low cost of drones compared to their manned counterparts.

----

Alexis Amini – editor for the Canadian Armed Forces program – is a graduate student in public and international affairs at Université de Montréal (UdeM), Québec. He has a BSc in political science from the same university. Having lived in Djibouti and the United Arab Emirates where he witnessed major geopolitical events, Alexis developed a passion for international security. His research focus revolves around geopolitics, defense policies and political risk analysis. Upon completion of his master’s program, Alexis intends to join the strategic intelligence industry.

Replacing Canada’s CF-18s: A Case for the Swedish SAAB Gripen E/F

By: Léo-Paul Jacob, NATO Association 

SAAB JAS-39C Gripen, the predecessor of the Gripen E/F (2012), by Oleg V. Belyakov-AirTeamImages (Wikimedia Commons. Licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0)

In late 2016, the Royal Canadian Air Force (RCAF) announced a plan to replace its ageing fighter jet fleet of CF-18 aircrafts, which is more than thirty years old. The Trudeau government will initiate an open competition to replace the CF-18s, while the RCAF is currently in the process of acquiring 18 new Boeing F/A-18 E/F Super Hornets to serve as an interim fleet to bridge the ‘capability gap’. This breaks away from the promise made by the Harper government in 2010 of buying 65 F-35s from Lockheed Martin. Among the fighter aircrafts which are likely to be considered is the Swedish SAAB Gripen E/F, which would be a great fit for the RCAF if used along with the F-35 Joint Strike Fighters.

Canada’s Missions

Before exploring the reasons the Gripen would be an effective replacement for the CF-18s, it is necessary to analyze the crucial missions for which Canada is currently using its CF-18s. First, is Canada’s commitment to NORAD, which is tasked with monitoring and protecting North American airspace. Canada also contributes to NATO operations across the world, and is currently active in Eastern Europe. In 2014, Canada was responsible for monitoring the Baltic countries’ airspace as the head of the NATO Baltic Air Policing Mission (BAP). In addition, Canada has recently deployed a battalion in Latvia in order to reinforce the country’s defences in the face of Russia’s bellicosity. Finally, Canada has used some of its CF-18s to contribute to the Global Coalition against ISIS in Iraq and Syria (Operation IMPACT).

In these missions, Canada is faced with both conventional and unconventional threats in varying weather conditions. Therefore, the RCAF must be ready to face conventional armies and fighter fleets, to effectively operate against insurgents or terrorists, and to render anti-access/area-denial (A2/AD) strategies ineffective. In order to accomplish all these tasks, the RCAF must acquire a mixed fighter fleet made up of F-35s and Gripens.

Mixing the Fighter Fleet

Forming a mixed fighter fleet combining F-35s and E/F Gripens is the best option for Canada if it wants to face the challenges of today and tomorrow. The F-35 is currently the finest jet fighter on the market when it comes to stealth missions. If employed by the RCAF, it would be capable of countering A2/AD bubbles, and to penetrate enemy defenses with greater ease than the Gripen. Furthermore, if facing an enemy fleet unable to spot the F-35, the latter would ensure Canada’s domination of the sky.

In turn, the Gripen is more versatile than the F-35, and has great weapon flexibility. It may even be equipped with the MBDA Meteor BVRAAM missile, which can shoot down airborne threats from more than 100km away. The Gripen may be used in various operations, whether in air-to-air or air-to-ground combat, in the Arctic or in the Middle East. Its small size, its speed, and its 27 mm Mauser BK27 cannon coupled with the Gripen’s Electronic Warfare System and Infrared Search and Track abilities, make it particularly lethal when it comes to dogfights and air-to-air fighting. In addition, the Gripen is highly interoperable and fit for reconnaissance missions thanks to its data link system. Choosing the Gripen to replace the ageing CF-18s would bolster the NORAD and Canadian NATO deployments.

Seeing the challenges Canada is soon likely to face, it seems necessary for the RCAF to develop a mixed fighter fleet. Only relying on F-35s, or on Gripens will not suffice to counter tomorrow’s challenges.

Why the Gripen?

The ultimate question is whether Canada will choose the Gripen over other fighters such as the Super Hornet to complement its mixed fighter fleet. In comparison to other jet fighters, the Gripen has important advantages. It is relatively cheap compared to the French Rafale or the F-35, and its operational costs are lower than that of all other Western fighter jets. The Gripen may be deployed to areas where military facilities are underdeveloped, since it can take off from small runways due to its high flexibility, and can operate in all types of weather. This makes the Gripen a perfect fit for Canadian military missions, especially in the Arctic and for deployments abroad as part of NATO. In addition, it is possible to refuel the jet in the air through a “probe and drogue” system, as currently used for the CF-18s. This ensures greater autonomy when conducting operations. The Gripen’s high weapon flexibility also means it can adapt its payload depending on the mission, and can thus excel in surveillance missions, or air-to-air and air-to-ground combat.

In 2013, Brazil ordered 36 Gripens E/F from SAAB, which will be built jointly in Sweden and Brazil. The industrial cooperation and transfer of technologies from SAAB Industries to Brazil, along with the creation of a Gripen E/F maintenance centre in Brazil, is a long-term source of jobs for Brazil’s industries. Canada could benefit greatly from such a deal, as it would boost its aerospace industry while at the same time ensure total operational independence once the Gripens are combat-ready.

The Gripen is a perfect candidate for the open-competition initiated by the Trudeau government, and acquiring a joint fleet made up of F-35s and Gripens E/F would ensure Canadian control of the skies for decades to come.----
Léo-Paul Jacob is a Junior Research Fellow at the NATO Association of Canada(NAOC), currently in his third year of B.A(Hons) in Political Science at Concordia University. Prior to working at NAOC, he wrote for the ‘Political Bouillon’, an inter-university journal based in Montréal. His research interests include the Nordic and Baltic regions, along with European and Russian foreign politics. He is most interested by the existing relationships between Sweden, Finland, NATO and Russia. Those interests led him to study Swedish and Russian. After completing his B.A, Léo-Paul plans to pursue his Graduate studies in International Security or International Affairs in Europe. You can contact him via email- jacob.leopaul@gmail.com

Interim Fighter Jet report to Remain Secret

By: David Pugliese, Defence Watch 

A report which warned against buying an interim fighter jet for the Canadian military will remain secret, even though it had previously been on the Defence department’s website for more than a year.

The report was quietly pulled down from the site after the Liberal government announced its decision to purchase 18 Boeing Super Hornets as “interim” fighter jets until a permanent fleet for the existing CF-18 aircraft could be bought.

The Defence Research and Development Canada report recommended against the purchase of such “bridging” aircraft to deal with gaps in capability.

The Liberal government has said Canada is facing a capability gap because it doesn’t have enough fighter jets to fulfill its military missions. Because of that it needs to buy the Super Hornets.

But the 2014 report that had been on the Department of National Defence website questioned that type of strategy. “The costs involved with bridging options make them unsuitable for filling capability gaps in the short term,” according to the report. “Any short term investment results in disproportionately high costs during the bridging period.”

The report was carefully reviewed for security issues before being put on the DND website, defence sources say. The report cited data that was in the public domain and there was no use of secret information.

It was pulled from the website the day the Liberal government announced it was purchasing the Super Hornets.

At one point, the DND was looking at putting the report back on its site, with certain revisions, but that won’t be done.

“It is judged that given the current threat environment, the aggregate of the information contained in the report speaks to the capability of the Canadian Armed Forces and is sensitive in nature,” the Department of National Defence stated in an email to the Ottawa Citizen. “For this reason, the report cannot be easily excised and will no longer be made available to the public.”‎

The statement did not explain how the “threat environment” in 2014-2015, when the report was public, was different from the situation in 2016 when the report was pulled down.

The analysis also determined that whatever aircraft Canada selects in the future to replace the CF-18, it should go with a single fleet of the same type of planes. “The analysis found that a mixed fleet of 38 higher capability aircraft, chosen for their ability to fulfill the most challenging of the NATO missions, and 34 lower capability aircraft, capable of fulfilling Canada’s NORAD obligations, could not provide the same capability as the single fleet of 65 higher capability aircraft,” it added.

The Liberal government has acknowledged the decision to buy the 18 Super Hornets will cost more in the long run but it has blamed the previous Conservative government for bungling the CF-18 replacement.

Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan says Canada is facing a fighter capability gap when it comes to dealing with its commitments to NORAD and NATO.

But the head of the Royal Canadian Air Force has said the gap was created in 2016 when the Liberals changed defence policy, requiring the RCAF to meet both its NATO and North American air defence commitments at the same time.

Lt.-Gen. Mike Hood said he wasn’t privy to why the policy changed.

“That demands a certain number of aircraft that our present CF-18 fleet is unable to meet on its day-to-day serviceability rate,” Hood said before a senate defence committee in late November. “They’ve (the Liberals) changed the policy of the number of aircraft I have to have.”

Majority of CF-18s will fly beyond 'certified safe life' date according to internal report

By: Murray Brewster, CBC News 

The Liberal government's plan to keep a number of its CF-18 fighters flying through the 2020s — possibly up to 2032 — is a "high-risk" and "costly" option, according to an internal government report obtained by CBC News.

RCAF CF-18 Fighter jets will undergo a 3rd life-extension program, to keep them flying as long as 2032...well beyond their "Certified Safe Date" acording to a new report by the CBC. 

The technical engineering assessment was written for the material group at National Defence in the run-up to the former Conservative government's decision two years ago to extend the life of the front-line jets until 2025.

It raises questions about the serviceability and survivability of the aging fighters at the crucial transition time when the Liberal government hopes to bring a replacement on line.

The report takes on fresh relevance in light of the government's decision last week to postpone holding an open and transparent competition for a new fighter. Bidding is not expected to start until next year after the new defence policy has been released and could take up to five years.

The analysis has the Opposition Conservatives wondering why the Liberal government is not proceeding directly to the competition it promised in the last election.

Related:
New Liberal policy means there aren't enough fighter jets to go around
Boeing met federal officials 7 times as often as Lockheed Martin in lead-up to fighter deal
Canada's fighter jets running out of airframe life, according to data tabled in Parliament

National Defence says it intends to buy up to 18 Boeing Super Hornets as a stopgap measure until a brand-new fleet arrives.

The analysis is also significant considering this week's fatal crash of a CF-18 at a training range near Canadian Forces Base Cold Lake in Alberta.

Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan last week said permanent replacements for the '80s-vintage jets "will be fully operational in the late 2020s."

That is further into the future than the former Conservative government had planned.

"That means we must continue to fly the legacy CF-18s throughout the 2020s, no matter what," Sajjan said during the news conference announcing the government's decision.
'A high-risk solution'

The Conservatives had planned to refurbish the fighters to keep them operational until 2025, something the internal analysis says results in "a reasonably low to moderate technical and operational risk" in light of the fact the U.S. navy intends to keep flying some of its F-18s and Super Hornets during the same timeframe.

It is after 2025 that the significant concern emerges.

The CF-18s would require a major overhaul — known as a Control Point 3 life extension — to remain operational after that date.

"This option is a high-risk solution, from both a technical and operational perspective," says the 13-page, unredacted evaluation.

"A majority of the fleet (50 aircraft) would need to be flown beyond the currently certified safe life."

The assessment goes on to list the components that would need replacing, and the list is extensive.

"A large and costly procurement of new wings and flight controls would be required to support this effort, as the structural lives of these components would expire for many of the fleet's aircraft."
Shortage of spare parts, weapons

The report also notes, among other things, that the fighter jets' transponders, which identify them as friend or foe to other aircraft, will have to be upgraded.

The avionics system will be considered outdated by the early 2020s and won't meet U.S. requirements for encrypted communications, which threatens operations with the Americans and the North American Aerospace Defence Command (Norad).

"From an operational perspective, the fleet will be exposed to a more lethal threat environment," says the analysis. "In addition there will be decreased interoperability with newer aircraft flown by Canada's allies."

The further into the decade the fighters operate, the more concern there will be about access to weapons and spare parts, the report adds.
$400-million upgrade needed

In an interview with CBC News, Sajjan downplayed the analysis, saying the Liberals have conducted their own, more recent studies that give them comfort.

"The engineers have assured us the life extension can be done in high confidence and we can meet our needs," he said, adding that concern about the overall condition of the fleet is one of the things that drove the Liberals to recommend the interim purchase of Super Hornets.

"Yes, we can extend our fighters to 2025. After that time they will be slowly graduated out."

Conservative defence critic James Bezan said the Liberals are stalling.

"We know Denmark just did a competition in 11 months. Norway did theirs in about a year and a half. Japan did theirs in a year and 11 months," he said. The Liberals "could do an open and fair competition right now and get a plane faster than they can in five years' time."

The refurbishment to 2025 is estimated to cost $400 million, but Sajjan was unable to say how much more it will be to keep the fighters flying beyond that date.

Unpublished, internal defence estimates shown to CBC News suggest the total overhaul cost could rise to $1.3 billion depending on the upgrades selected by air force planners.

In the last election campaign, the Liberals promised to buy a cheaper fighter in an open competition and plow the savings back into rebuilding the navy.

With an interim purchase of Super Hornets and a life extension program, the government will be hard-pressed to find savings.

"Yes, we are investing more. This option costs more money, but this is the situation we were dealt with," said Sajjan.

RCAF details on Exercise PUMA STRIKE

RCAF News
By Captain Mathew Strong

Royal Canadian Air Force (RCAF) crews, support personnel and technicians deployed to Exercise Puma Strike at Marine Corps Air Station in Miramar, California, on October 28, 2016.

Flying operations for the exercise began on October 31 and continue to November 23, 2016.

Twice a year, 410 Tactical Fighter (Operational Training) Squadron, alongside various elements of 4 Wing Cold Lake, Alberta, and the RCAF, deploy to locations in the southern United States to conduct warm weather training exercises.

“This deployment is an outstanding opportunity for the RCAF’s fighter force to conduct worthwhile, uninhibited training in an operating environment different from our own,” said Colonel Paul Doyle, the commander of 4 Wing. “This is a controlled way to expose our people to new agencies and procedures which will surely expand their knowledge and be put to use when deployed outside Canada.”

A CF-188 Hornet from 4 Wing Cold Lake, Alberta, participates in the RCAF’s Exercise Puma Strike at Marine Corps Air Station Miramar in California, on October 31, 2016. PHOTO: Lance Corporal Jacob Pruitt, U.S. Marine Corps

This particular rendition of Exercise Puma includes a combination of 220 pilots, crews, technicians and support personnel from 410 Squadron, 401, 409, 425 and 433 Tactical Fighter Squadrons, staff and students from 10 Field Technical Training Squadron, air weapons controllers from 42 Radar Squadron and support personnel from other Cold Lake units.

The exercise also includes participation by a CC-130T Hercules air-to-air refueler based in 17 Wing Winnipeg and air combat systems officers (ACSO) from 414 Electronic Warfare Squadron in Ottawa, Ontario.

The ACSOs fly in the rear seat of contracted Dornier Alpha Jets operated by Discovery Air Defence Services Inc. that provide realistic threat simulation to CF-188 Hornet pilots.

“Flying away from Cold Lake offers our people a chance to step up and overcome the challenges inherent with operating away from home, which is something we do when on deployed operations,” added Colonel Doyle.

Although training and operations are still conducted year-round in Cold Lake, multiple days of low cloud, poor visibility and reduced runway surface conditions tend to affect training timelines.

“Exercise Puma Dtrike is our opportunity to conduct an incredible amount of flying in a relatively short period of time,” said Lieutenant-Colonel Seane Doell, commanding officer of 410 Squadron.

“The favourable weather conditions and deployed setting have historically enabled 410 Tactical Fighter (Operational Training) Squadron to achieve a sortie generation rate approximately 300 per cent greater than is typically possible at home at this time of year.”

Deploying such a large contingent of personnel, equipment and aircraft to a new location for three to four weeks of operations is also a unique and significant logistics challenge, presenting a secondary training opportunity for all those involved.

Canada Expanding OP REASSURANCE to Black Sea Region

By: Zane Schwartz, National Post

Canada will send troops to the Black Sea region to combat Russian influence there, NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg announced Wednesday.

“I’m pleased to confirm that several nations indicated their willingness to contribute to our presence in the Black Sea region, on land, at sea and in the air,” said Stoltenberg, adding that the countries involved include: “Canada, Germany, the Netherlands, Poland, Turkey and the United States.”

The deployment is in addition to the troops Canada has already committed to Operation Reassurance in Eastern Europe.

Department of National Defence spokesperson Evan Koronewski confirmed the Black Sea deployment. It will include CF-18s stationed in Romania and a RCN frigate in the Black Sea.

Stoltenberg said he intends to confirm the plans by the next meeting of NATO defence ministers in February.

Stoltenberg also announced a land brigade in Romania, but Canada will not be part of that, Jordan Owens, press secretary of Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan, said Thursday.

Romania, Russia, Ukraine and Turkey are among the countries that border the
Black Sea. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has described it as “almost a Russian lake” as a result of the Russian military presence there.

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Canada has 220 armed forces members deployed in Poland as well as about 250 aboard HMCS Charlottetown as part a maritime task force formed by NATO. HMCS Charlottetown could deploy to the Black Sea or, if its rotation is up by the time the order to move comes, the frigate replacing it will go.

Rona Ambrose, the interim Conservative leader, criticized Justin Trudeau’s government this week for its failure to disclose basic facts about Canadian troops fighting ISIL.

Stoltenberg’s announcement comes on the heels of rising tensions between Russia and NATO following the breakdown of a ceasefire on Oct. 3 brokered by the two countries in Syria.

For Operation Reassurance, about 4,000 soldiers divided into four battalions will deploy in Poland, Lithuania, Estonia and Latvia. Canada is leading the battalion based in Latvia.

Stoltenberg announced that Albania, Italy, Poland, and Slovenia would contribute to the Latvia battalion.

RCAF to ask for $500 million in spending for CF-18 upgrades

By: David Pugliese, The National Post

The Canadian military is hoping to ask the government early next year for approval to spend up to $500 million to modernize its CF-18 fighter jets.

The upgrade would keep the planes flying until 2025, giving the government some breathing room to organize the purchase of replacements and make sure they are delivered before the older jets are taken out of service.

Work has already started to ensure the CF-18s are structurally sound.

Now, the military is analyzing improvement options for communications equipment to deal with changes in civil aviation regulations. There could be other upgrades to weapons and how the CF-18s communicate and operate with Allied fighter jets.

DND/FileThe CF-18 upgrade would keep the planes flying until 2025, giving the government some breathing room to organize the purchase of replacements

“This project is expected to go for potential government submission early in 2017,” said Ashley Lemire, Department of National Defence spokeswoman.

The options focus “on what is required from a regulatory and interoperability perspective.”

The DND estimates the cost of the modernization at between $250 million and $499 million, depending on the options chosen and what the government accepts, say defence sources.

Military officers say the upgrades will have to be done by 2021 to make financial sense — new fighter jets are expected by 2025. That means decisions on the upgrades must be made and contracts placed by 2018.

Since 2002, Canada has spent $2.6 billion modernizing the CF-18s. The planes were bought in 1982.

The Conservative government planned to buy 65 F-35 stealth fighters to replace the CF-18s. The purchase was put on hold as the cost ballooned and technical problems emerged.

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During last year’s federal election, the Liberals said they would buy a less expensive fighter jet if they came to power.

In June, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau said the F-35 “does not work, and is far from working.”

But the Liberal promise not to buy the F-35 has been thrown into question by Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan, who has said any competition would be open to all jets. He has insisted the government must move “quickly” selecting a new fighter jet, but has not outlined any timetable.

Last month, the House of Commons defence committee called on the government to pick a replacement within a year. It pointed out the costs of the new jets should be well documented so other military equipment programs would not be affected.

THE CANADIAN PRESS/Jason Franson A CF-18 Hornet on the runway at CFB Cold Lake Alberta, Oct. 21, 2014.

Both the NDP and Conservatives argued the report was written to support the Liberal government’s defence strategy.

“The committee report marshals evidence to bolster the Liberal decision to sole-source the purchase of Super Hornets,” the NDP said in its submission.

That refers to the Liberals’ attempt in the summer to buy Super Hornet fighter jets, built by Boeing, instead of holding a competition. The plan was put on hold after it prematurely became public when Postmedia revealed the scheme.

Industry sources say they believe some senior Liberals still hope to revive the Super Hornet sole-source purchase in the near future.

Sajjan has said the Canadian military is facing a “capability gap” since the CF-18 fleet can’t handle the country’s commitments to NATO and the North American Aerospace Defence Command’s needs to protect the continent.

“Between our NORAD and NATO commitments and how many jets are serviceable at one time, we cannot meet both those requirements simultaneously,” he said in July.

“The Canadian Armed Forces have been risk-managing this problem for some time now and the previous government found it acceptable. I do not, and I want to make sure that we give all the tools necessary not to put the Canadian Armed Forces in a scenario to risk-manage.”

Vimy Paper: The F-35 Program, Defence Procurement, and the CF-18 Replacement Debacle

The Conference of Defence Associates has published it's latest Vimy Paper. In it, Richard Shimooka outlines the troubled history of the RCAF's CF-18 replacement. Shimooka starts as early as 1997, but mainly focuses on the Harper Era in his paper, tracking the procurement of the CF-18 Replacement from 2006 to 2015. While Shimooka does not make a direct appeal to purchase the F-35 JSF; I believe there is a fair amount of bias in the article to indicate that he is calling for the government to learn from past procurement, and move forward with the purchase. 

Decide for yourself: 

"The Fourth Dimension: The F-35 Program, Defence Procurement, and the Conservative Government, 2006-2015"

 Executive Summary:

Since 1997, the Government of Canada has engaged in a process to replace its tactical fighter fleet of 122 CF-18 Hornets, which were acquired in the 1980s. Much of that history has been intertwined with a single aircraft: Lockheed Martin's F-35. The public discourse has largely been dominated by criticism of the selection process, as well as the aircraft's capabilities, cost, and attendant industrial benefits.

Inside of government, a very different view emerged. The federal bureaucracy, initially led by the Department of National Defence worked to undertake a proper evaluation of the CF-18 replacement program. Far from being exorbitantly expensive or technologically defective, it discovered the F-35 was the best option for Canada and recommended a sole source selection in 2010. Program troubles in the United States, two deeply flawed oversight reports by the Parliamentary Budget Officer and the Office of the Auditor General, as well as a series of errors by the government resulted in a loss of support for the project. Consequently, a new assessment process was launched in 2013, known as the Seven-Point Plan. However, it too endorsed the sole-source selection of the F-35, resulting in a series of culminating events leading up to the 2015 federal election.

This study is a history of these events. It is a story not of bureaucratic mismanagement or military bias, but one of civil-military relations and political dysfunction. The Liberal victory in the October 2015 election might have initiated a new phase of the CF-18 replacement program history. Yet the preceding several years should provide a number of lessons going forward. Few, if any, of the program's fundamentals have changed. Many of the considerations that underpinned the original analysis are still valid. The current government would do well to take heed of what occurred before.

To read the full Vimy Paper, see link below.

http://www.cdainstitute.ca/images/Vimy_Papers/Vimy_Paper_33.pdf

RCAF aircraft faced temporary flight restrictions due to of engine oil mix-up

By: David Pugliese, Defence Watch

All of the Canadian military’s aircraft, including CF-18 fighter jets, were temporarily restricted in their flight operations after concerns were raised about the type of engine oil that might have been used in the planes.

The oil had been mislabelled by a supplier, leading to worries that the wrong material had been used in aircraft engines, sources told the Ottawa Citizen.

The Royal Canadian Air Force confirmed Tuesday that temporary flight restrictions had been put on the aircraft fleets.

But David Lavallee, a spokesman for the RCAF, said no fleets were grounded.

He said the issue arose on Aug. 30 when a technician at 8 Wing in Trenton, Ont. discovered that an incorrect type of oil may have been used in an aircraft.

“Not knowing how widespread the problem was there was a temporary restriction placed on non-essential flying,” Lavallee explained. “That would include things like training flights, exercises and local area flying.”

Key air force roles such as operations for NORAD, international missions or search and rescue were not affected.

“Within 24 hours most of the fleets were cleared to resume full flying operations,” Lavallee said. “There are still some fleets with restrictions on non-essential flying.”

Those include four Aurora surveillance aircraft. Another C-17 transport is also affected but it was already in maintenance and was not flying.

“We’re in the process of clearing them and changing the oil and getting them ready to go,” Lavallee said. “We expect they’ll assume normal operations soon.”

Lavallee said the CF-18 fighter jets were among the first to be cleared for full flight.

The RCAF is in the process of investigating.

“We’re looking into it,” Lavallee said. “We’re trying into the dig into what exactly the cause of the problem was so we’re not able to speculate.”

Canada not Required to provide a minimum number of jets to NATO: Report

OTTAWA — A Defence Department report says Canada is not required to provide a certain number of fighter jets to NATO, raising fresh questions about the Liberal government's rush to buy a new warplane.

The government has repeatedly stated the military does not have enough CF-18 fighter jets to both defend North America and fulfil its obligations to NATO, which is why a new airplane is needed sooner rather than later.

But a report published by National Defence's research arm in June 2014 says there is actually no minimum requirement for NATO, meaning any aircraft Canada does commit are completely optional.

A National Defence spokesman says while it's true NATO does not have a set minimum requirement for fighter jets, Canada nonetheless regularly commits aircraft to the alliance to ensure it remains strong and is able to meet any threat.

Defence analyst David Perry of the Canadian Global Affairs Institute says the report highlights the many questions that continue to swirl over the Liberal government's plan to buy a new fighter.

Critics have accused the Liberals of making up stories of a fighter-jet shortage to justify buying a new plane other than the F-35 stealth fighter without a competition.

The Canadian Press

Despite "Capability Gap" 8 RCAF CF-18s Deploy to RIMPAC

By: Lee Berthiaume, The Canadian Press

OTTAWA — Eight Canadian fighter jets have been deployed on a massive training exercise in the Pacific, despite Liberal government warnings the country does not have enough such aircraft to defend North America and fulfil its obligations to NATO.

The government says the month-long exercise is critical for training Canadian fighter pilots to work alongside allies — and the planes will return to Canada immediately if they are needed.

But the Conservatives say their involvement proves Liberal claims of a fighter-jet shortage aren't true.

The eight CF-18s arrived in Hawaii at the beginning of July as part of Canada's contribution to the Rim of the Pacific Exercise, or RIMPAC, which has been billed as one of the largest military exercises in the world. Canada is among 27 countries participating in the U.S.-led exercise, which takes place every two years.

The fighter jets are expected to remain in the region until July 29. Canada also has four naval ships, six helicopters, two refuelling aircraft, a surveillance plane and more than 1,500 military personnel participating in RIMPAC.

Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan's spokeswoman, Jordan Owens, said the air contingent is the largest ever for Canada in the Pacific. The exercise gives Canadian pilots the opportunity to operate together and also to work alongside counterparts from traditional and non-traditional allies throughout the Pacific region, she said.

"We need to train pilots, and they have this opportunity to train with more than 20 other countries," Owens said. "This is essential for having a combat-capable air force."

Yet Sajjan warned earlier this month that only about half of the Royal Canadian Air Force's 77 CF-18s are available for operations at any given time, which was not enough to meet Canada's commitments to NATO and North American defence.

"Today, the number of mission-ready aircraft we can deploy on an average day is actually less than the number of planes we are committed to have ready," Sajjan said on July 9, as he reiterated the need to purchase a replacement fighter jet quickly.

Conservative defence critic James Bezan said the CF-18s' involvement at RIMPAC is evidence the Liberals have made up talk the military is dealing with a shortage of fighter jets to purchase a new plane without a competition.

"It proves the fact Canada can do not just our NORAD and NATO missions, but we can do these exercises as well," he said. "Anything Minister Sajjan is saying now about a capability gap is a complete fabrication."

But Owens said the CF-18s' involvement in RIMPAC highlights the difficult work the air force has been doing to manage that shortage of fighter jets. If the aircraft are needed somewhere else before RIMPAC ends, she added, "they would leave."

The question of whether the military is really dealing with a shortage of fighter jets has become central to the debate that has raged for years over which aircraft Canada should buy to replace its aging CF-18s.

The Liberals say the problem is real and requires a quick solution to ensure Canada is able to meet all its international obligations. Critics, however, have accused the Liberals of manufacturing a crisis to justify buying a new fighter jet other than the F-35 stealth fighter without a competition.

The Liberals promised during last year's election that they would hold an open competition to replace the CF-18s. But they also promised not to buy the F-35. This created a potential legal situation if the government was seen to discriminate against the stealth fighter.

Postmedia reported in June that the government was considering whether to use an exemption in federal procurement laws to buy Super Hornets as an "interim" measure to address the capability gap. That would let it sole-source the planes without fear of a lawsuit.

- Follow @leeberthiaume on Twitter.

Dogfight: Breaking down Procurement of Canada's next Fighter Jet

DANIEL LEBLANC

Ottawa  - The Globe and Mail 

It’s getting harder and harder to figure out who is the underdog and who is the favourite in the dogfight between the Lockheed-Martin F-35 and the Boeing F/A-18 Super Hornet.

From 2006 to 2012, the new-kid-on-the-block F-35 was the federal government’s one and only choice to replace Canada’s fleet of CF-18s. The Conservatives were in power at that point, but the process to select the fighter of the future had started in 2001, under the previous Liberal regime.

Everything fell apart in 2012 when the Auditor-General slammed the acquisition process for the F-35 as risky and uncompetitive, forcing the Tories to put the procurement process on hold.

By the time the 2015 election came, the Liberals made a clear promise: They would not buy the F-35. Instead, Justin Trudeau proclaimed, a Liberal government would launch an “open and transparent competition to replace the CF-18 fighter aircraft.”

Left unsaid was what would happen if the F-35 were to win that competition. To square that circle, there are now those in the Liberal Party who argue that a competition would be a waste of time and that the best solution is simply to buy another aircraft: the Super Hornet.

Has the long-time underdog – the older, less technologically advanced fighter jet – now become the favourite in the race to replace the CF-18? Or is this simply a bump in the road for Lockheed-Martin, which first won a competition 15 years ago to produce the next-generation Joint Strike Fighter (JSF) for allies such as the United States, Britain and Canada?

The Liberals are promising a speedy decision on the replacement for the CF-18. Here is a look at the two aircraft now involved in a lobbying duel that is set to ramp up a notch before the winner flies off into the sunset.

The F-35

Asked whether they would be willing to compete for the $9-billion contract for 65 fighter jets, officials at Lockheed-Martin have one message: Bring it on.

Source: Graphics Live; U.S. Department od Defense Joint Strike Fighter (JSF) program; Lockheed-MartinTRISH MCALASTER/THE GLOBE AND MAIL

They repeatedly point to a recent competition in Denmark that directly pitted the F-35 against the Super Hornet. In the four ranking areas, the F-35 finished first. It was not only the best aircraft in terms of military and strategic performances, but also the best on cost per plane and industrial spinoffs, according to the Danes. Given that Denmark was looking for an aircraft to protect Greenland, Lockheed-Martin argues, this sets a great precedent for the Canadian Forces, which are looking for a fighter to patrol in the Arctic.

Steve Over, an engineer and senior member of the F-35 team, said there is a “quantum leap in capability” between the F-35 and all other Western fighters. Radars, sensors and communications devices between aircraft provide pilots with an “omniscient perspective of their battle space” that is unrivalled in the world, Mr. Over added.

Lockheed-Martin and the various partners in the JSF program will continue to upgrade the F-35 in coming decades, helping to keep up with rival countries that threaten Canada’s sovereignty, he said.

“In 10 to 15 years, fourth-generation fighters [like the Super Hornet] will be absolutely inferior to the fleets of fighters that the Russians and Chinese are fielding,” he said. “If you don’t fear conflict with these nations, what you should fear is that they are going to proliferate that equipment to any nation with the money to buy it.”

The F-35 underwent a number of teething pains in recent years, including production delays and cost overruns, as well as problems with pilot helmets, engines and ejection seats.

“It’s a development airplane, but we’re almost through the development program,” Mr. Over said.

While Mr. Trudeau has dismissed the F-35 as an aircraft that “doesn’t work,” Lockheed-Martin said it is ready to “go to war” with the U.S. Marine Corps and will receive the same certification from the U.S. Air Force later this year.

There should be more than 200 F-35s in the air by the end of the year, and more than 600 by 2020, at which point Canada could start to build its new fleet.

“All the milestones are ticking off,” Mr. Over said. “This airplane, make no mistake about it, is a mature airplane.”

The Super Hornet

Her remarks weren’t intended for a domestic audience, but Boeing executive vice-president Leanne Caret threw cold water on her Canadian team when she recently signaled that her company’s defence division was moving away from fighter jets.

Source: Graphics Live; BoeingTRISH MCALASTER/THE GLOBE AND MAIL

“If I told you that I am and want to be a market leader in the fighter business, you all would tell me that I’m an idiot,” she said in an interview published in Aviation Week. “Let’s be real clear: We lost JSF.”

The hat tip to Lockheed-Martin gave a sense that the Boeing Super Hornet, which made its first flight in 1995, is in the final stages of its life cycle. Competitors jumped in, questioning whether the Super Hornet will still be a top-notch fighter in two or three decades if Boeing doesn’t stand behind its aircraft.

Boeing test pilot Ricardo Traven (who flew CF-18s in his time in the Canadian Forces) said the reality is that the Super Hornet is at the top of its game and ready to help Canada right away.

“We’re in our prime,” he said in an interview. “In terms of customers buying or flying the plane, we’re not getting out of the business. We’re still supporting the CF-18, and we’re going to support the navy for decades to come.”

Designed initially to serve with the U.S. Navy, the F/A-18 Super Hornet is perfectly suited to serve in the Canadian Arctic, with two engines (instead of one on the F-35) and robust landing gear for icy strips, Mr. Traven said.

He added that the CF-18 and the Super Hornet share many similar characteristics, and that the transition to a new fleet would be easy and less costly in terms of training and maintenance.

“It’s everything that the CF-18 is, on steroids. That’s why I know the pilots are absolutely going to love that air frame,” Mr. Traven said.

Boeing has delivered 709 Super Hornets and Growlers (a variant of the Super Hornet) to the U.S. Navy and Australia, “all on cost and on schedule,” the company said. If the Canadian Forces decide to call on the aircraft to complement or replace their CF-18s, Mr. Traven said, “we’re 100 per cent capable, right now.”
The government’s options

The Capability gap

National Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan is increasingly invoking a “capability gap” to explain the urgent need for new fighters. The concept is not universally acknowledged in academic and defence circles, but Mr. Sajjan said it is a simple fact, given the age of Canada’s fleet of CF-18s.

The federal government originally purchased nearly 140 CF-18 fighters, which started starting to enter into service in 1982. Today, there are 77 left in operation, including four that have flown for more than 7,000 hours and 46 that have between 6,000 and 7,000 flying hours.

To last into 2025, the fighter jets will need to be upgraded.

For now, the Department of National Defence said it is increasingly scrambling to meet its international commitments.

“The total number of aircraft the government of Canada has committed to NORAD [the North American Aerospace Defence Command] and to NATO [the North Atlantic Treaty Organization] is greater than the number of mission-ready aircraft we can put into the sky on an average day,” said Jordan Owens, a spokeswoman for Mr. Sajjan.

“This government finds that unacceptable. With any aircraft fleet, especially one as old as ours, there are a number of planes in maintenance at any given time. The Royal Canadian Air Force does a good job risk managing this capability gap. But our confidence in their ability to risk manage does not mean we should delay addressing the problem. Risk managing the situation allows us to be good allies. However, as the fleet continues to age, the situation will only get worse.”

“The full spectrum is being looked at,” Patrick Finn, the assistant deputy minister in charge of procurement at the Department of National Defence, said last week.

While all of Ottawa is in speculation mode, federal officials insist that they are exploring all possibilities to buy new fighter jets.

Mr. Finn, speaking to a House of Commons committee, made it clear that his boss, National Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan, is using his police interrogation skills to ensure that he knows everything he needs about the file. “Our minister has asked us many questions about approaches, products, how it could be done, what could be done, to make sure he has all of the information that he needs to bring to his colleagues,” he said.

Sources said the matter is in front of a seven-member cabinet committee, which will eventually take the matter to the full cabinet. Here are the options facing the government, according to procurement experts:

Launch an open and transparent competition based on existing DND requirements. However, there is a possibility this could lead to an automatic victory for the more-modern F-35, as a number of defence experts have said the existing requirements can be met only by the stealth aircraft. “It is not only the aircraft that best meets Canadian Forces’ requirements, with the longest life expectancy, but also is the most affordable,” National Defence said of the F-35 in 2006.

Launch a competition based on new requirements. Redrafting the requirements could be a lengthy process, but that could be the only way to have a competition that does not lead to an F-35 victory. The government could justify the change by stating that it has different priorities than the previous government – for example, putting more emphasis on “the defence of North America, not stealth first-strike capability,” as stated in last year’s Liberal platform.

Sole-source the contract to one manufacturer for a new fleet. According to Treasury Board rules, the government would have to invoke a “pressing emergency in which delay would be injurious to the public interest” to avoid going to tenders. However, it would also have to explain why it feels that one manufacturer, such as Boeing, can offer the best new aircraft instead of, for example, Lockheed-Martin.

Sole-source a contract for an interim fleet. Such a move would be a half-step, and would push other decisions and costs down the road. For starters, buying an interim fleet would force the government to launch an eventual competition or award a second sole-source contract for the rest of the fleet. It would also open up the possibility of a “mixed fleet” featuring two types of fighter jets in the Canadian Forces – which experts say is more costly to maintain than a single fleet.